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"^%:^^
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OBS
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OTIA
MERSEIANA
THE PUBLICATION OF
THE ARTS FACULTY OF
UNIVERSITY COLLEGE
LIVERPOOL
r^cA
••**:%... * * .»... »*• .*- ..*^. .^
DI5 5IDEK1EXI
CVAM RpGAMVJ
VOLUME ONE
•
1899
Paris
London
New York
C. KLINCKSIECK
TH. WOHLLEBEN
G. E. STECHERT
11 Rue de Lille
45 Great Russell Street
9 East i6th Street
HERTFORD
PRINTED BY STEPHEN AUSTIN AND SONS.
CONTENTS.
• • •
• • •
Introduction
£. H. Parker.
The Population and Revenue of China ,.•
W. H. Woodward.
A Proposal for Teaching the Ancient Tongues hy a new method
in the time of the Commonwealth ...
R. J. Lloyd.
An Attempted Reformation in the Pronunciation of Ancient
XJT/CCK ..• ..• ••* •«.
PAGE
vii
• • •
• • •
W. H.^ Woodward.
An Elizabethan List oj Works on Education mainly hy
Humanists ... ... ... ...
. • .
. . t
J. A. TWEMLOW.
An Irish Bull of Urban IV attributed by Rymer to Urban V
R. Caton.
Two Lectures on the Temples and Ritual of Asklepios at
Epidaurus and Athens
V. H. Friedel.
Etudes Compostellanes ...
KuNO Meyer.
Stories and Songs from Irish MSS»
R. Priebsch.
The Chief Sources of some Anglo-Saxon Homilies
John Sampson.
A Welsh Romani Folk- Tale
'5
'9
26
28
33
75
''3
129
148
INTRODUCTION.
THE INSTITUTION OF A FACULTY OF ARTS
on October 28, 1896, by the Senate of the University-
College of Liverpool, marked a stage in the advance-
ment of humane studies in this community. The
promoters and supporters of the Faculty believe that their claim
to that historic title, with its ancient prerogatives, liberties, and
franchises, will be best vindicated, and its place in the ordered
republic of Learning chiefly determined, not so much by the
success of its members in imparting knowledge, as by their efforts
to increase it. In this belief they have made arrangements for
the annual publication, under the name of Otia Merseiana, of
original studies by Professors, Lecturers, Readers, and Graduates
of the Faculty. It is their hope that by this means they may
establish relations of mutual courtesy and co-operation with the
members of other J'aculties of Arts, and that they may gain for
their University and city some measure of recognition from
Universities of a longer history and a more ancient renown.
In a narrower circle the publication, whereof this is the first
volume, will, they hope, engage the interest and sympathy of those
who concern themselves with the struggling fortunes of humane
letters and the Arts at this recent University institution in the
second city of the British Empire. While the studies that lend
themselves most readily to industrial and commercial applications
are happily assured of consideration and reward from a modern
community, it is right that those other kinds of learning which
serve for inward use, or which reward knowledge only with the
pleasure of knowing, should be suffered to grow up together with
them, encouraged by the favourable regard of all who cherish
the ideal of a liberal and catholic humanity.
Dis sedem exiguam rogatniis,
J. M. MACKAY,
Honorary Dean of the Faculty,
Liverpool.
June, 1899.
THE POPULATION AND REVENUE
OF CHINA.
IT has been occasionally reproached upon those who have
dealt with Chinese subjects that they have been a little
too ready to delve down into remote antiquity for
a foundation upon which to build their theories. In the
present instance, references to the past will be confined to
a few indispensable statistical data.
The Rev. J. Ross, of Manchuria, is the only European
student who has — at least, so far as I am aware — produced
figures from ancient Chinese history indicating what the popula-
tion was supposed to be at a given date. I possess the Chinese
originals, but I have not verified his figures, though I see no
reason for doubting their accuracy. The period is too distant,
and the social and economical conditions of those times are too
little known to us, that we should accept these bare figures,
apart from their context, as evidence bearing upon the popula-
tion of modern times. I merely quote them as an introductory
illustration for purposes of proportion, and I ignore all numbers
below a hundred thousand.
In A.D. 609, after the expulsion of the Tartar rulers, and
under a strong unifying native dynasty, there were 8,900,000
families ; but a few years later devastating wars with the Turks,
bringing in their train the establishment of a new Chinese
dynasty, greatly reduced this figure. In A.D. 723 there were
7,900,000 families and 45,500,000 souls ; say, rather under six
mouths to a family : the increase of families and souls in the
same proportion went on steadily until A.D. 755, when we find
there were 9,100,000 families and 53,000,000 souls. A fearful
drop to 3,100,000 families had taken place by A.D. 781, in
consequence of anarchy, civil war, and external invasions.
This fact alone throws us on our beam ends so far as any
I
2 THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA.
chance of righting our historical position goes. The Thirty-
Years War in Europe is but a Western instance of what has
taken place every few centuries in China.
When the present Manchu dynasty had seated itself securely
on the throne, it set about taking stock of its possessions. In
165 1 there were 10,630,000 taxable units; in 1652 the total had
gone up to 14,500,000 ; but this increase simply points to further
conquests of territory ; and there are then various ups and downs
until 1657, when we reach our first secure basis of 18,600,000.
From this time to 1672 there is steady progression year by year
up to 19,500,000. But the " Revolt of the Three Satraps " had
by 1676 gradually reduced this figure to 16,000,000, and it was
not until 1683 that lost ground was fully recovered. From this
time onwards we find the official returns are usually the same
for pairs or triplets of years, showing apparently that they were
no longer sent in annually ; but still the increase was steady
and fairly uniform up to 17 12, when the Emperor resolved upon
a new system. At this date the number of taxable heads was
24,600,000, and, roughly speaking, each taxable head paid one
tael * a year. The way it was done was this : The poll-tax was
merged in the land-tax. Each taxable unit, say, was an acre
of first-class ground, and there were at that time about 100,000,000
English acres taxed. But that computation does not mean that
only 100,000,000 acres were cultivated. Two second-class acres
count as one good ; four poor as one good ; ten, or even twenty,
barren as one good. In other words, nearly the whole available
land in the Empire (i.e. in China proper) was appropriated ; and,
as the revenue was sufficient, the Emperor decided that in future,
no matter how the population might increase, the land, being
a fixture, ought never to pay on more than one hundred million
units divided amongst a quarter that number of taxable heads.
Hence from 17 13 to 1734 we have a double computation, divided
into taxable and non-taxable units. By 1734 the taxable units
had increased to 25,500,000 ; not because taxes had been any
way enhanced contrary to the new rule, but (probably) because
emigrants had brought Mongol lands under cultivation ; reclama-
tions of marshes and river beds had been made ; and the remaining
scraps of untilled lands had been " raised to taxability." The
* Six shillings and eightpence, but now only worth from half-a-crown to
three shillings in gold.
THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA. 3
progressive increase of untaxable heads is interesting, showing to
us exactly, as it does, the rate of comparative growth year by year.
In 17 1 3 the " free heads " numbered 60,000, and this proportionate
rate of increase upon the double total was pretty uniform up to
1734) when the total had reached 940,000.
During the Kalmuck wars of 1735-40, no returns were sent
in ; but, so soon as the Emperor found time to turn his attention
to home affairs, he asked : " What is the use of our counting
taxable heads when they never increase, and untaxable heads
when they pay no poll-tax or land revenue? I want to know how
many human souls we possess." Accordingly, in 1741 the first
return of all ages, castes, and sexes was sent in, showing a total
of 143,400,000 souls ; or (adding the 940,000 to 25,500,000) just
a trifle under six souls to a (taxable or untaxable) family head, —
the same proportion as in A.D. 723. Of course, between 1734 and
1 74 1 the untaxed heads must have increased. Let us therefore
assume from the official figures issued by the Emperor's own
authority, that in 1741 there were 27,000,000 " doors," or families,
containing 143,400,000 souls.
From this time to 185 1, when the population had risen to
432,164,047, the official returns are given year by year, with the
following exceptions : 1747-8, 1757, 1768, 1777, 1780, 1789, 1820.
It is not explained why they are not given in those years. The
increase up to 1774 is steady, uniform, and unbroken; but in
1775 there is a sudden and unexplained jump from 221,000,000 to
265,000,000, which I can only guess is partly to be accounted for
by the formal annexation of Turkestan, Kalmuckia, and Tibet ;
but all these together, including even Mongolia, Kokonor, and
Manchuria, would scarcely account for 44,000,000 souls. I hope
to elucidate the mystery some other time.
Starting from this new basis, the population increases regu-
larly up to 313,000,000 in 1794, after which there is a great drop,
in consequence of certain rebellions ; low-water mark is reached
in 1797, and it is not until 1805 that lost ground is recovered. Two
remarks of the Emperor are worth noting as showing (i) that the
returns were issued under his solemn authority, and (2) that there
were good reasons required for sudden fluctuations. He says in
1793: "I notice that the total population for 1792 (307,500,000)
is thirteen times the number of taxable heads in 17 10 ; hence it is
clear each taxable head now feeds a dozen mouths off the same
land." In 1806, after the crushing of formidable rebellions, the
4 THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA.
Emperor "notices with pleasure an increase from 304,500,000 in
1804 to 332,000,000 in 1805 "1 alluding, of course, not to the rate
of breeding, but to the pacification of territory and the possibility
of once more securing full returns.
The vagaries of the Yellow River cause a good deal of irregu-
larity during the next decade, and I may note (for the benefit of
the student of original documents) that, when it is said " minus
the returns of such a province not yet received," this qualification
of a total does not appear to mean exactly that, but rather,
elliptically, " quoting last year's returns for such a province, which
has not yet sent its papers in." From this point things go on with
uniformity until 185 1, when the record total of 432,000,000 is
reached. The book from which I take these official returns —
the Tung-hwa-luh — had not been brought (for publication) beyond
the year 1735 until ten years ago, and consequently the later
returns which I give were unknown to the last generation of
Europeans. But in 1862 the Rev. W. Lobscheid translated from
the Russian, and published in Hong Kong, a report by M. Sacharoff
of Peking, who had himself obtained from the Chinese Board of
Revenue the rolls for the years 1841 and 1842 ; these gave the
totals as 413,457,311 and 414,686,994, which are exactly those
given in my book. M. Sacharoff incidentally makes the remark
that "the population for 1783 was 98,685,457 greater than that of
I7S7-" Now 1757 is, as I have said, one of the blank years in
the Tung-hwa-luh, and 1783 gives us 284,033,785 : so that we get
the missing figure 185,348,328 for 1757 to compare with 186,615,514
given for 1756. M. Sacharoff also gives the increase between
1782 and 1 81 2 as 77,685,394, and that between 181 2 and 1842 as
53,993,797 : total 131,679,191. M. Sacharoff's intermediate figures
do not correspond with mine ; but his total increase of 1 3 r, 679, 191
between 1782 and 1842 is sufficiently near mine of 132,864,319;
especially when we bear in mind that the expression " from
to ," or " between and ," often leaves it doubtful
from or to which year the inclusion begins or extends ; and this
doubtful factor may also account for the apparent decrease
between 1756 and 1757.
Having now examined the sole evidence upon which we can
reasonably base our estimates, and arrived at conclusions which,
though necessarily approximate and defective, are the only ones
logically possible on the premises, let us see how far the Taiping
rebellion of forty years ago reduced the population. In 1852
THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA. 5
there was already a reduction of 100,000,000; and by i860 (the
last year for which official estimates are given) a further reduction
of 70,000,000. The precise figures are 334,403,315 and 260,924,675.
Of course this does not necessarily mean that 170,000,000 people
perished in ten years (50,000 a day), but probably that the anarchy
prevailing rendered it impossible to secure any returns at all
in devastated districts. Peace has now reigned for 35 years
at least, and it will therefore be pretty safe to assume that the
increase between i860 and 1895 ^^^ ^s great as that between
1797 (the next last low- water mark after a rebellion) and 1832;
i.e., as great as the difference between 271,333,544 and 397,132,659.
In other words, by applying to definite evidence rules of inter-
pretation already proved historically sound, we have a /r/w^ya^/V
right to assume that the present minimum population of China
is not far from 385,000,000.
The evidence we possess in support of this priviA facie
assumption once more comes through Russian sources ; the
Russians alone having taken the trouble to do what anyone else
can do in China, i.e. purchase the necessary official documents.
But this evidence is always the same ; it is simply the record
of the Board of Revenue. There is no other. M. Popoff's returns
were translated and published in Shanghai ten years ago ; ten
provinces were for 1882, and eight for 1879 — a singular arrange-
ment which seems to point to a practice such as I have above
surmised to exist, that of continuing to use the same returns
until the next set are sent in for the defaulting province. His
total is 382,078,860, a figure at first sight twelve years too high ;
but it must be remembered that the Yellow River reduced the
population between 181 1 and 1821 ; so that, instead of 385,000,000
for 1895, we should add on ten years* increase to that figure.
In 1828 this was, in fact, about the population, and by 1838
it had gone up to 409,000,000, which, therefore, by abstract
reasoning should be the true figure for 1895. M. Popoff once
more comes to the rescue. He has recently published in the
Russian Geographical Society's Journal the returns for 1894,
obtained, as usual, from his accommodating friends at the Board.
His figures for the eighteen provinces of China proper are
421,870,716. But Formosa is included in this total, and in
1842 Formosa had not yet developed a true Chinese status, so
that the difference between 409,000,000 and 421,870,000 (both on
the basis of excluding Formosa) is not so very great.
6 THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA.
Having now explained how the population of China came
to be 432,000,000 in 1852 and 422,000,000 in 1894, I will give
two tables, both obtained by M. Popoff, at different dates, from
the Board, showing the effects upon the population of each
province produced by the Taiping Rebellion chiefly in the
Yangtsze Valley, the Panthay Rebellion in Yiin Nan, and the
Mussulman Rebellion in Kan Suh. For convenience I knock
off or add all fractions of ioo,oco as being both uncertain and
unessential.
Name of
Province.
1842
Popoff.
1894
Popoff.
1879
Popoff.
1882
Popoff.
1885.
(In case of
Fuh Kien
1884.)
An Hwei ...
36,600,000
35,800,000
20,600,000
• • •
None given
Ch^h Kiang
30,400,000
1 1,800,000
• • •.
11,600,000
11,700,000
ChihLi
36,900,000
29,400,000
17,900,000
...
None given
Fuh Kien ...
25,800,000
25,200,000
25,800,000
• ■ •
23,500,000
Ho Nan
29,100,000
21,000,000
...
22,100,000
22,100,000
HuNan
20,000,000
22,000,000
« • •
21,000,000
21,000,000
Hu Peh
28,600,000
34,300,000
• • •
33,400,000
33,6oo,coo
Kan Suh......
19,500,000
'9.800,000
5,400,000
• • •
None given
Kiang Si
26,500,000
22,000,000
• • •
25,000,000
25.000,000
Kiang Su ...
39,600,000
24,600,000
• • •
21,000,000
21,000,000
Kwang Si ...
8,100,000
8,600,000
5,100,000
• • •
None given
Kwang Tung
21,100,000
29,900,000
• • •
30,000,000
30,000,000
Kwei Chou...
5,700,000
4,800,000
7,700,000
• ■ •
None given
Shan Si
17,100,000
11,100,000
...
12,200,000
10,800,000
Shan Tung
36,200,000
37,400,000
...
36,200,000
36,500,000
Shen Si
10,300,000
8,400,000
8,400,000
• • •
8,300,000
Sz ChSvan ...
22,300,000
79,500,000
...
67,700,000
71,100,000
YUn Nan ...
5,800,000
6,200,000
' 11,800,000
• • •
None given
Rough Totals
419,600,000
421,800,000
102,700,000
280,200,000
THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA. 7
It will be noticed that I give also three columns explanatory
of the change of population between 1842 and 1894. Columns
1879 and 1882 combine to make M. PopofTs second total of
382,000,000 as above explained. The third column 1885 (in the
case of Fuh Kien 1884) is anonymous, but I think I recognize in
it the hand of a very able British official, who, of course, had his
reasons for privacy. It will be noticed that in every case where
M. Popoff had been obliged to fall back upon 1879 to eke out
his estimates for 1882, the anonymous writer had also failed
(except in the case of Shen Si) to secure returns for 1885.
In the case of An Hwei we know from Father Havret, S.J.,
who has recently written a book on that province, that in 1761 the
population was 22,800,000. After wandering over the province for
many years, he estimated the population in 1892 at 25,000,000;
but of course such casual estimates can have little value. In the
case of Cheh Kiang, I possess the Governor's returns for 1 879-93 J
always between eleven and twelve millions ; moreover, I have
myself tramped throughout the length and breadth of the province,
and seen its desolation. Chih Li is unsatisfactory, for we do not
know if the metropolitan district is included, not to mention the
Mongols : the population of the Jehol (Mongol) military circuit
was 725,000 in 1885. Fuh Kien*s exact figures (25,799,556) are
exactly the same for 1842 and 1879, so that we may be certain
they have been " carried on " for many years. Ho Nan lost ground
during the Yellow River flood of 1887. Hu Nan and Hu Peh
need no justification. Yakub Beg and the Dungans almost de-
populated Kan Suh previous to the Chinese reconquest in 1873-4 ;
probably the Mussulman rebellion of 1895-6 has reduced the
population to 8,000,000. There was a famine in Kiang Si a few
years ago, but I am surprised to see the population so much
reduced. Kiang Su (and part of Ch6h Kiang) was the scene of
Gordon's operations, and suffered most from the Taiping scourge ;
I suspect the Kiang Si and Kiang Su figures for 1894 have been
accidentally transposed by M. Popoff, for Kiang Su could hardly
increase 20 per cent, in ten years. Kwang Si was the birthplace of
the Taiping rebellion, as it now is of another anti-dynastic rebellion.
Kwang Tung has recently suffered from floods, drought, and plague.
The Kwei Chou figures for 1879 are probably a misprint for
4,700,000: anyway, nothing has occurred between 1879 and 1895
to reduce the population, and I was twice there myself in 1 880-1 ;
on the other hand the Panthay and Taiping rebellions both affected
8 Till-: POPULATION ANDREVENUE OF CHINA.
the pro\iiice between 1852 and 1872. Shan Si was half de-
populated hy famine and rats during 1877-9; the Rev. D. Hill
has published full accounts of the hideous sufiering undergone.
Shan Tung is stationary ; it sends off its surplus population to
Manchuria, Mongolia, and even Corea. Shen Si suffered by the
Hungan rebellion. I cannot possibly believe that the Sz Ch'wan
|K'i'plc trebled their numbers in forty years. I have travelled on foot
thnusnnds of miles in that province, which is particularly remarkable
for the small size of Its chief towns ; also for the almost entire
Absence of plains exceeding a few miles in extent The capital is
the only really populous town, and its plain is the only extensive
plain, Certainly, there is a vast and steady immigration of Kiang
Si, Hu Nan, llu Peh, and Shen Si men ; but at least half the
^irovince is the almost inaccessiUe resort of Lolos and Tibetan
irilx's, Trui', |3cace and prosperity have reigned for fifty years,
iiud the fif^mcs given are positive. I simply do not believe them,
itiul leave readers to judge for themselves whether a mountainous
luiinlry like Switzerland, with a cultivated area not greater than
ihiil of I'raiice, can support a population double that of France.
If true, ihrn the maximum revenue of six millions means that each
soul only contributes threepence a year for all taxes and charges
put IngelluT. As to Yiin Nan there must be some mistake, the
Tanthay rebellion having desolated the whole province; probably
the fij-uie I l.«oo,ooo for 1879 should be 4,8co,CCX3.
The principles upon which the Chinese Revenue is collected
were cxplaiiieii in a series of letters which I wrote to T/te Times
(hiring the year 1896 (i8th and 27th August, I2th and 15th
Sepleiiilier. ii>t December). Since then Mr. Consul Jamieson of
Shanghai has contributed an official paper based on exactly the
same iiali\e evidence (Foreign Office Reports, No. 415, 1897).
I uitw ruiiii-.h an amended statement of what I conceive the Chinese
Revenue to be ; -
I III .iiininpanying Revenue Table has been prepared with care
froin tlie an .Hints furnished to the Emperor by his viceroys within
the patl Iweiily years. Like the Population Table, it is notably
defective, in that the figures of each item for one and the same
year arc rarely obtainable; the Foreign Customs column alone
In uniformly taken for the year 1896, and the true gross total is
\
T
I
1
i
1
1
t
:e
Subsidies from
other
Provinces.
Native Loans
and
Benevolences.
Tea Taxes.
Fuel and
Grain Taxes.
Total.
1
ci,
1 0,000
• • •
• • •
1895
100,000
• • •
• • •
1895-6
560,000
• • •
4,033,000
5,786,000
cb
1,400,000
• • •
• • •
• • •
6,360,000
Fb
• • •
a • •
600,000
• • •
6,035,000
H
H
20,000
• • •
• • •
1895
50,000
• ••
60,000
• • •
100,000
3,235,000
2,765,000
H
• • •
130,000
60,000
• a •
7,320,000
Ko
Ko
K
5,000,000
• • •
800,000
125,000
1895
320,000
1894-5
5,125,000
80,000
50,000
50,000
• a •
10,000
• • •
5,946,000
4,800,000
21,450,000
K
200,000
• • •
• • •
• • •
1,730,000
K
• • •
• • •
• • •
• ••
7,525,000
Kj,
si
497,000
• a •
• • •
189s
100,000
• • *
• • •
• • •
• • •
1,107,000
4,040,000
1
si
100,000
• • •
• ••
1895
384,000
• • •
• • •
• • •
• • •
4,530,000
2,380,000
sh
• • •
• • •
• • •
• • •
6,050,000
n
555,000
• • •
• • •
• • •
1,985,000
1
*
8,582,000
1895
6,334,000
900,000
110,000
97,077,000
si
1
200,000
a • •
• • •
• • •
3,340,000
Kl
1
300,000
• • •
• • •
• •«
470,000
T
200,000
■ • •
• « •
• • •
680,000
_
1
9,282,000
1895
6,334,000
900,000
110,000
101,567,000
L.
IN A.
II
iiate presented
n was drawn
.: Board's own
: of io,cxx),ooo
gard Tonnage
cign Collected
Miscellaneous,"
• Ititude of other
ustoms are apt
iinese say. • The
luLigh estimates
taels ; and that
. Jamieson agree
iving worked in
venue Table for
a subject upon
' imes (23rd May
■ 'pofTs estimates
;)()pulation of all
lollowing are his
'^ 1753
Mels).
Yield in taels
now according
to regulation
(Jamieson).
,110
221,774
Jven
Not given
,110
221,774
. but floods and
c\ enue of Man-
t two years, and
lO
THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA.
Foreign Office Report. The three Manchurian provinces are in all
cases excluded, and Mr. Jamieson's Foreign Customs are for 1893.
Head of Revenue.
The Times.
Jamieson.
Board's
Present paper. Report,
J897. .
Foreign Customs
Land-tax
sail •.. ••• ••• •••
Likin
Native Customs
Miscellaneous
- -
21,000,000
20,000,000
10,000,000
1 5,000.000
3,000,000
3,000,000
21,989,000
25,088,000
13,659,000
12,952,000
1,000,000
5.500,000
21,482,000
25,887,000
12,600,000
1 1,930,000
. 3,560,000
{ 1,865,000 )
( 1,991,000 J
1 5,000,000
10,000,000
12,000,000
i3,oco,ooo
2,000,000
15,000,000
Totals
72,000,000
80,188,000
79,115,000 1 67,000,000
1
Head of Revenue.
TAe Times.
Jamieson.
Present paper.
Board's
Report,
1897.
Brought forward
72,000,000
80,188,000
79,115,000
67,000,000
Grain-tax
Excluded
6,562,000
^ 7,420,000
Excluded
Native Opium
Excluded
2,229,000
1,960,000
Excluded
Tea Taxes, Pawnshops,
and Benevolences ...
Savings on reduced
4\iIIlV«a« ••• ••• •••
( N
OT INCLUI
)ED
3,500,000-
530,000
Amended Totals.
72,000,000
88,979,000
88,495,000
71,030,000
Grain-tax and Native
Opiumexcluded; now
added
9,380,000
By supposed error of
10,000,000 in land-tax
• • •
• • •
• • •
10,000,000
81,380,000
88,979,000
88,495,000
81,030,000
A
THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA.
II
The fourth column alludes to an official estimate presented
to the Emperor by the Board, to which attention was drawn
in The Economist of the 3rd April, 1897. As the Board's own
total is " over 80,000,000," it is evident a misprint of 10,000,000
has somewhere occurred. The Board does not regard Tonnage
Dues, Collections on Chinese Steamers, and Foreign Collected
Likin as "Foreign Customs": hence the swollen "Miscellaneous,"
which probably covers those three items and a multitude of other
mysteries. Salt, Likiu^ Tea Taxes, and Native Customs are apt
to "run into each other like dogs' teeth," as the Chinese say. • The
main point of the comparison is that the two rough estimates
of myself and the Board agree within 250,000 taels ; and that
the two worked-out estimates of myself and Mr. Jamieson agree
within 484,000 taels ; each of the three parties having worked in
ignorance of what the other two were doing.
To complete the subject, I append to the Revenue Table for
China proper further estimates for Manchuria, a subject upon
which I have also addressed two letters to The Times (23rd May
and 1st August, 1898). According to M. PopofTs estimates
(based upon the Board's documents) the total population of all
Manchuria does not exceed six millions. The following are his
figures for 1894 : —
Popoflf's
Population.
Payers of Land-
lax 1743.
Land-lax 1753
paid (taels).
Yield in taels
now according
to regulation
(Jamieson).
Shing King {alias Flng-
tien, alias Kwan-tung,
alias Liao-tung) or
Manchuria proper ...
Kirin (cradle of the
A Av>Cy ••• ••• ••• •••
Tsitsihar {alias H6h-
lung Kiang)
4,724,674
626,232
400,000
47,124
> Not given
38,110
Not given
221,774
Not given
5,750,906
47,124
38,110
221,774
The population exceeded 7,ScxD,oco in 1893, but floods and
famine carried away great numbers. The large revenue of Man-
churia proper has only been raised within the last two years, and
12 THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA.
the gold-mines of Tsitsihar are a very uncertain asset. Previous
to the Japanese war, it may be said in round terms that each of
the three Manchurian provinces required a subsidy of 500,000 taels
a year, but a fearful condition of confusion and peculation reigned
in all departments.
Though we are thus able to get near the total revenue figures,
it would puzzle the shrewdest firm of chartered accountants to
arrive at an exact total for the/^r contra. Indeed, were it possible
to at all clearly unravel the tangled web of Chinese peculation,
the thorough reform of the finances would be merely the matter
of a few months' work by Sir Robert Hart and his men. However,
I herewith furnish the best table I can. It will be seen from the
last column but one that one-third of the total receipts cannot be
accounted for in detail at all, and that the proportion of unaccount-
ability varies with each province. It is certain that official
authorized pay must amount in each case to half a million or
a million taels, according to the number of cities. On the other
hand it must be remembered that ironclads, torpedo-boats, cruisers,
Krupp and Armstrong guns, and so on, have all to be paid for,
chiefly by the Governments of Kiang Su, Chih Li, Hu Peh, and
Kwang Tung. Then there are the Imperial Tailors or Silk
Commissioners at Nanking, Soochow, and Hangchow ; the Envoys
abroad ; the support of Duke Confucius' Temple and Court ;
luxuries, drugs, timber, and miscellaneous tributes in kind for
Peking ; sea-walls and dykes ; rice lighters ; the payment of a,t
least 200,000 Manchu ' banner-men ' at Peking, as to which I
possess no accounts, but which must absorb 4,000,000 taels and
1,000,000 peculs of rice at the most moderate computation. The
local loans must be paid off; the walling in of the reconquered
Turkestan cities has to be paid for ; the Board and the Eunuchs
want their ' rice money ' ; there are many colleges and training
schools at Peking, Canton, Nanking, Tientsin, Wuchang, etc.
There is the copper-mining, under official auspices, of Yiin Nan ;
official herds in Mongolia and Manchuria ; presents for Mongol
princes ; support of parks and hunting-grounds ; and so on.
Of all these, exact statements are lacking. The remittances to
Peking in hard cash have for many years been fixed at 7,000,000
* ordinary,' plus i ,000,000 extra, so that our worked-out total of
7,790,000 comes near the mark. Some of the grain-tax is retained
to feed provincial Manchu garrisons, and several provinces use up
or
Plor
n
s.
AnH
ChShpo
Chih [)o
Fuh io
Ho N)0
HuN
HuPoo
Kan 6
Kiang
Kiango
Kwan
Kwai>o
Kwei
ShanK)
ShanxD
Shen
Sz Cho
Yun]
To
Shing
Kirin
TsitsJ
!
GrIo
Aids to
Yellow River,
Grand Canal,
or other
Local Rivers
(floods).
30,000
12,000
90,000
5,000
500,000
10,000
50,000
20,000
672,000
1,389,000
1,389,000
Proportion
of ten per
cent. Foreign
Customs
Expenses.
General
Provincial
administration
and other
matters lumped
in one. *
Aids to
support other
poorer
Provinces.
59,600
130,000
84,000
240,000
235,000
100,000
880,000
10,000
320,000
42,000
32,000
15,000
2,147,600
57,000
2,204,600
1,586,400
( 225,000
} 644,000
i 200,000
( 891,000
1,445,000
( 60,000
) 612,000
( ' 5)Ooo
( 701,000
( 125,000
j 2,174,000
\ 491,000
( 2,035,000
1,197,000
J 950,000
( 8,320,000
1,220,000
( 60,000
I 2,222,000
i 10,000
( 197,000
{ 2,000
( 2,160,000
i 15,000
1 1,819,000
672,000
100,000
2,434,000
250,000
1,220,000
2,493,000
31,549,000
10,000
1,993,000
- 280,000
80,000
100,000
{
36,225,000
30,000
200,000
210,000
50,000
358,000
450,000
764,000
239,000
1,265,000
199,000
20,000
180,000
• • •
780,000
4,745,000
30,000
4,775,000
Total.
4,033,000
5,786,000
6,360,000
6,035,000
3,235,000
2,765,000
7,320,000
5,946,000
4,800,000
21,450,000
1,730,000
7,525,000
1,107,000
4,040,000
4,530,000
2^380,000
6,050,000
1,985,000
97,077,000
3,340,000
470,000
680,000
101,567,000
jr refers to presumed large expenditure on salaries
12 THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA.
the gold-mines of Tsitsihar are a very uncertain asset. Previous
to the Japanese war, it may be said in round terms that each of
the three Manchurian provinces required a subsidy of 500,000 taels
a year, but a fearful condition of confusion and peculation reigned
in all departments.
Though we are thus able to get near the total revenue figures,
it would puzzle the shrewdest firm of chartered accountants to
arrive at an exact total for the per contra. Indeed, were it possible
to at all clearly unravel the tangled web of Chinese peculation,
the thorough reform of the finances would be merely the matter
of a few months' work by Sir Robert Hart and his men. However,
I herewith furnish the best table I can. It will be seen from the
last column but one that one-third of the total receipts cannot be
accounted for in detail at all, and that the proportion of unaccount-
ability varies with each province. It is certain that official
authorized pay must amount in each case to half a million or
a million taels, according to the number of cities. On the other
hand it must be remembered that ironclads, torpedo-boats, cruisers,
Krupp and Armstrong guns, and so on, have all to be paid for,
chiefly by the Governments of Kiang Su, Chih Li, Hu Peh, and
Kwang Tung. Then there are the Imperial Tailors or Silk
Commissioners at Nanking, Soochow, and Hangchow ; the Envoys
abroad ; the support of Duke Confucius* Temple and Court ;
luxuries, drugs, timber, and miscellaneous tributes in kind for
Peking ; sea-walls and dykes ; rice lighters ; the payment of at
least 200,000 Manchu * banner-men ' at Peking, as to which I
possess no accounts, but which must absorb 4,000,000 taels and
1,000,000 peculs of rice at the most moderate computation. The
local loans must be paid ofif ; the walling in of the reconquered
Turkestan cities has to be paid for ; the Board and the Eunuchs
want their ' rice money ' ; there are many colleges and training
schools at Peking, Canton, Nanking, Tientsin, Wuchang, etc.
There is the copper-mining, under official auspices, of Yiin Nan ;
official herds in Mongolia and Manchuria ; presents for Mongol
princes ; support of parks and hunting-grounds ; and so on.
Of all these, exact statements are lacking. The remittances to
Peking in hard cash have for many years been fixed at 7,000,000
* ordinary,' plus 1,000,000 extra, so that our worked-out total of
7,790,000 comes near the mark. Some of the grain-tax is retained
to feed provincial Manchu garrisons, and several provinces use up
or
or
5.
K)
An ¥
Chdhbo
Chih
Fuh lo
Ho ^)o
Hu ^
Hu Po
Kan I
Kian
Kianfto
Kwai
Kwaio
Kwei
Shan^
1
Shan^
Shen
Sz Cl>o
Yun J
~x
Shin^
Kirinj
Tsits
Gr^o
Aids to
Yellow River,
Grand Canal,
or other
Local Rivers
(floods).
Proportion
of ten per
cent. Foreign
Customs
Expenses.
30,CXX)
I2,OCX}
90,000
5,000
500,000
10,000
50,000
20,000
672,000
1,389,000
1,389,000
General
Provincial
administration
and other
matters lumped
in one.*
59,600
130,000
84,000
240,000
235,000
100,000
880,000
10,000
320,000
42,000
32,000
15,000
2,147,600
57,000
2,204,600
1,586,400
225,000
644,000
200,000
891,000
1,445,000
60,000
612,000
5,000
701,000
125,000
2,174,000
491,000
2,035,000
1,197,000
950,000
8,320,000
1,220,000
60,000
2,222,000
10,000
197,000
2,000
2,160,000
15,000
1,819,000
672,000
100,000
2,434,000
250,000
1,220,000
Aids to
support other
poorer
Provinces.
2,493,000
31,549,000
10,000
1,993,000
- 280,000
80,000
100,000
{
36,225,000
30,000
200,000
210,000
50,000
358,000
450,000
764,000
239,000
1,265,000
199,000
20,000
180,000
780,000
4,745»ooo
30,000
4,775,000
Total.
4,033,000
5,786,000
6,360,000
6,035,000
3,235,000
2,765,000
7,320,000
5,946,000
4,800,000
21,450,000
1,730,000
7,525,000
1,107,000
4,040,000
4,530,000
2,380,000
6,050,000
1,985,000
97,077,000
3,340,000
470,000
680,000
101,567,000
jr refers to presumed large expenditure on salaries
A
THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA. I3
all their own grain-tax. The Palace remittances are certainly
now fixed at very near the detailed total I give. The North-East
Fund is fixed at 2,000,000, but for many years it has admittedly
been in arrear. The North-West Fund of 4,800,000 has always
been promptly remitted, and all the viceroys and governors con-
cerned were thanked for doing so in 1896 ; but, as will be seen,
I am 1,200,000 taels short in the detail. Both these funds simply
mean *' Defence against Russia." The impecunious Peking Officials
Fund, Extra Military Rations Fund, and Extra Rations in place
of Fuh Kien Remittances Fund, I lump together ; but I have
never quite understood them, and in any case they are as often
as not * diverted,* or, as the French say, used as viremeuts. The
Ku-pen Fund is always steady. The Admiralty Fund is very
capricious, and in any event, for some strange reason, only four-
fifths of the sums asked need be sent. In some mysterious way
the Railway Fund (pretty steady) is mixed up with it ; but also,
by some hocus-pocus, is occasionally * veered ' to do duty for the
Empress' private pleasures. " Local armies" absorb at least half of
the total sum for the expenditure of which I can account, and this
is the greatest peculation preserve in the Empire. The Emperor
recently gave orders for seven-tenths to be at once abolished,
but each province fights fiercely for its * squeezes.* There are sup-
posed to be 650,000 * green flag ' troops in the eighteen provinces
which means about 10,000,000 taels a year utterly wasted ;
not to mention the highly paid * trained braves,* who in many
cases show signs of degenerating like the * greens/ I have the
accounts of all the Arsenals, and am fairly sure of my ground
there ; but of course deduction, in the case of Shanghai and
Tientsin, must be mentally made of the sums contributed to their
Arsenals by Cheh Kiang, Shan Tung, etc. The Yellow River,
South River (Canal), and Yung Ting River (Peking) absorb
varying sums according to whether there is or is not a flood for
the year. The Aids in Support (like the Subsidies on the other
side) cannot reasonably be counted twice, as they already form
part of the total expenditnre of the provinces granting them.
I have been tied down to space, and cannot therefore enlarge
further upon the subject of expenditure. No attempt has yet been
made to draw up a Chinese budget, and I can only hope, therefore,
that this skeleton table, which at best is very defective, may be of
service in indicating the way for future inquirers. At present the
only plan is to arrest every fugitive statement of official fact, nail
14 THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA.
it down, group it, collate it, and dish it up with others of its kind
in its presumed place ; accepting this as statistics until the moment
shall arrive when some financier pounces upon the quarry, and finds
it possible to turn chaos into order.
I may make one more remark. The 4,800,000 contributed
by the provinces to Kan Suh seems to be expended by Kan Suh
(3,400,000) and Shen Si (1,400,000) combined; it all depends,
however, upon what is meant by *intra-mark* and *extra-mark' ;
or, in other words, from where the * military ' frontier is reckoned.
As to the military expenditure of Manchuria proper, it must
be mentioned that the cost of General Sung's I-kdn army at Port
Arthur (now Newchwang) has been included under Chih Li
expenditure ; and, generally speaking, the contributions of
Manchuria to * North Ocean ' naval expenditure are so dovetailed
in with Chih Li contributions to Mancharian army expenditure
that it is difficult to get a clear view of the whole. Moreover, the
Chinese department of the Newchwang customs (confusingly styled
Shan-hai Kwan, though that place is far away) seems to be under
the Viceroy of Chih Li, at least for some purposes.
In order to strike a balance between the Revenue and
Expenditure Tables, I have been obliged to adopt the device of
inserting a minus quantity of 280,000 taels under the head of
unexplained Kirin outgoings. Kirin is the one province whose
obvious incomings, even including subsidies, are short of its
expenditure; hence the sum is rather an unexplained asset than
an unexplained shortage. The fact is, I can find out very little of
Manchurian receipts and expenditure (thiee provinces), and Lonly
happjn to know the exact receipts for 1897 in Manchuria proper
because the Generalissimo or Viceroy has quite recently reported
them ; but it is not likely that they will continue at so high a figure,
as the chief item, (opium licences, etc.) savours of time monopolies
and bonuses paid in advance. The whole question of Manchurian
receipts and expenditure is a very loose one, and I only include
those three provinces in order to indicate a basis for future inquiry.
E. H. PARKER.
A PROPOSAL FOR TEACHING THE
ANCIpNT TONGUES BY A NEW
METHOD IN THE TIME OF THE
COMMONWEALTH.
THE letter to Hartlib which is contained in an interesting
volume of educational papers in the Sloane collection
throws light upon the attitude of experiment towards
education, which is characteristic of the middle of the
seventeenth century. In language-study, as in the study of things,
the desire of the educational theorist was to devise a method by
which the learner came into immediate contact with the objects
of instruction.
Comenius had applied the Baconian philosophy to education,
and, in a clumsy fashion, had endeavoured to remodel the teaching
of Latin on the same lines. Horn evidently belonged to the
group of thinkers of which Hartlib was the centre in London,
who followed with deep interest the career of Comenius ; and
the subjoined letter shows an attempt on his part to devise on
the new lines a living method of teaching the dead languages.
Amongst many features of interest the suggestion that an
existing school or college should be transformed into a colony
of Greeks or Latins recalls the project of 1642 to appropriate
Winchester for the purpose of an experimental school on the
principles of Comenius. Horn (1620- 1670), a Protestant of the
Palatinate, embraced English Presbyterianism at the time of his
residence in London, and the pious caution of his creed reveals
itself in the quaint doubt whether his conscience can approve of
the establishment of a colony of Jews " amongst Christians."
W. H. WOODWARD.
l6 TEACHING THE ANCIENT TONGUES.
From Sloane MSS., 649, fif. 227-9, ^^ Brit. Mus.
Extractus Literarum D. Hornii ad Dnum. Hartlibium
12 Sept., 1652.
The letter translated and written in same hand follows the
original Latin.
[ fol. 22p begifis .•]
An extract of a Letf^ written to J. L\ Hartlib. As for the
Reformation of our studies : I shall at this time propose onely a
few things, & those by the by ; bee. that businesse requires to bee
handled in a compleate Discourse by itselfe. Our Learning
consists in these two : Words and Things. Under words I
comprize the knowledge of Tongues, Latine, Greeke, and Hebrew
with their allies. Now because all that way of Learning
Tongues wch hath hitherto beene either used or invented hath
not yet satisfied the Publique expectation ; I would therefore
persuade that those charges wch are commonly bestowed on
Publique Schooles, should rather be laid out for planting of
Romane, Grecian & Hebrew Colonies. I would have whole
Townes to be composed of such onely, as could speake Latine,
Greek, & Hebrew. Youth should be sent into these Colonies,
that from their tender yeares or riper age they might be
accustomed to speake & write those Languages. From hence
wee might expect both y® greatest facilitie in Learning and
perfection of Language. For in that manner wee see that all
sorts of Men and Women doe in a short time Learne y® vulgar
Tongues French, Italian, English : neither is there anything to
hinder, for that the same may not be done in the Learned
Languages. Now to speake to the manner how these Colonies
are to be erected. The Hebrew Colonic is to be composed of
such Jewes as are best Learned and to whom the Hebrew
Tongue is most knowne & familiar. Soe at Thessalonica in
Greek, the Jewes men & woemen, their servants & children, use
noe other than y® pure Hebrew tongue. If therefore some
families of Jewes, wch use the Hebrewe Tongue and noe other
amongst thems. were brought together into one Village or
Towne, or College, there would be a lively & perpetual! exercize
of the Hebrew Tongue.
It were long for mee to dispute here : Whether or noe, and
how Jewes may be tolerated amongst Christians : for all y®* evill
there of might be prevented by good Lawes.
\
TEACHING THE ANCIENT TONGUES. 1/
The Greeke Colonic must be fetched from those Familyes
of Grecians wch have yet amongst thems. conserved y® puritee
of their Language. And such may be drawne out of Graece,
either by rewards or priviledges. The greatest difficulty will
bee in founding of a Romane Colonie, since noe families can
bee found well skilled in y® Latine Tongue : Yet in y«
beginning some CoUedge may be constituted of such men onely
as are skillfull in y® Latine Tongue & use noe other. To
this purpose wee may chose forreigners, y* are ignorant of our
Mother Tongue, e.g., Polonians, Germans, French, Spaniards,
Italians ; for necessitie itselfe would compell them to use y«
Latine Tongue alone. But some may perhaps Object that this
would bee too chargeable. As for me 1 thinke y* far more cost
is laid out upon our Schooles and Universities \fol. ^jo] from
wch notwithstanding there cannot proceed such fruites as may
be like to those of these Colonies. Yow have in Engl*^ many
CoUedges, whose revenue are plentifuU : What hinders why one
or more of them may not be translated into such a Colonie ?
The shortnes of the Time will not permitt that I should
enlarge mys. on this argum* & unfold all y® Circumstances and
meanes whereby this ought to bee done, or take away those
things wch seeme to withstand it. Notwithstanding I was willing
to discover my opinion unto you in such a manner as I might.
Now if Tongues were soe taught as in former time when
old Grece and Italie did flourish ; it is noe doubt but y®
entrance unto the knowledge of Things would also become
more easie. For words and Things may be taught & learned
together. But that I may adde this by the way : That manner
wch is observed by them of the East or Mahumetans in
teaching y® Arabicke & their Alchoran & was happily put in
practice by Nicholas Clenard the Portugese, as appears by his
Lett^ is farr to bee preferred before our common way of
Teaching in our Schooles.
Now I come unto Things thems. in Learning - of wch y«
order of Nature is to be observed : soe that y® beginning be at
God, and thence we shall proceede unto y® Creatures, in order
as they were created in sixe dayes,. & lastly to y® workes of
Providence showing in w* manner God doth moderate &
governe things in Familie circle and Church Societies. This is
y® generall Method [fo/. 2ji] of Learning Things praescribed
by nature itselfe & wch doth fully compleat an Universall
2
1 8 TEACHING THE ANCIENT TONGUES.
Learning. I cannot now discourse of all more particularly.
But this I must adde that there are tenne wayes, neither more
nor lesse, by wch all things ought to bee Learned and taught.
Concern, everything wee may deliver, what is True, Probable,
False, Natural, Aenigmaticall, Symbolicall, Theoreticall,
Practicall, Dogmaticall, Historicall. These tenne ways are
convertible among thems. For that which is Theoreticall is
also True, Probable, False, Dogmaticall, Historicall. I doubt
not but these things will seeme to you somewhat obscure at the
first appearance but being illustrated onely by one example
they will evince thems. to any whomsoever, soe that although
you would with greatest earnestness contradict it you shall find
nevertheless that the vast depth of Things wch are to bee
learned can never be drawne out by any other way than by
describing them in this order and method. I have indeed
begunne that Worke & made great progresse therein, but now
at last I have given over the prosecution thereof partly through
the tedious & excessive pains it did require & partly for that
I was taken off & hindered by other businesses. You have
renowned Sir in a few words my thoughts concerning a better
way of ordering our studyes. But you ought not by these few
lines passe judgement of the whole Designe, for many particular
observations are yet behind which cannot \^foL 2J2] be bound
up in the narrow compasse of an Epistle many things there are
which I cannot now in my haste call to mind. Yet for the
exciteing the wittes of the Common-People, esp. of Mechanik
Artificers it would be a very wise course if in Cities esp. in
more large ones such CoU^ & Exchanges were erected where
they might in their Mother Tongue discourse and dispute every
one in his owne Art. e. gr. Mariners of Navigation, what therein
might be amended & what they had severally observed. Soe
in Architecture & other Trades : for that Conference would
stirre up y^ wittes & studyes of y® Commonalty & cause them
with greater attention to despatch their affaires, compare their
observations & repaire their defects. Espec. this would be usefull
in sea affaires which might bee very much helped by their
particular Experience who have long frequented the Sea. But
these are the workes of Peace & not convenient for these our
most miserable times. (des.)
AN ATTEMPTED REFORMATION IN THE
PRONUNCIATION OF ANCIENT GREEK.
By R. J. Lloyd, D. Litt., M.A., Hon, Reader in Phonetics.
WHEN the University of Wales was founded, some three
years ago, the classical professors, headed by Professor
Conway, of Cardiff, and Professor Arnold, of Bangor,
made a laudable attempt to introduce into the new
university a reformed pronunciation of Latin and Greek. Their
proposals were contained in a pamphlet, published at the
Cambridge University Press, entitled " The Restored Pronunciation
of Latin and Greek." The proposals about Latin went beyond
those already adopted in many good schools in three simple points
only, namely, to give to Latin ce and (b the same sound as to Greek
oi and 0*, and to give to Latin v the sound of English w. But the
proposals about Greek were numerous and disputable ; and in
the volume, January-June, 1896, of the old Academy^ in a series of
nine letters, I ventured to subject them to lengthy and careful
criticism. The professors wrote five letters in reply, which are also
contained in the same volume. The object of the present paper
is not to resume that controversy ; but the reader who desires to
know what can be said for and against the disputable points, and
to be referred to the ruling authorities, ancient and modern, may
find the reference serviceable. In one letter only, March 28, did
I venture to advocate an opinion contrary to the weight of modern
authority, in maintaining that the prevailing ancient value of f was
nevier zd either in Attica or in Hellas generally. For the rest I will
content myself here with recapitulating merely those general
principles of reform for which I then chiefly contended.
20 PRONUNCIATION OF ANCIENT GREEK.
The general aim of the Welsh proposals was to restore a
Periclean pronunciation — a pronunciation of the fifth century B.C.
But if we are to adopt a period, and adhere to it rigidly, there are
very good reasons for preferring the fourth century. By that time,
for example, the explosive pronunciation of ^, x* ^> ^^ (P + ^)>
{k + A), (/ + //), which was undoubtedly Homeric, was giving way
to the fricative sounds of bilabial /, German rA, and English /A in
//////. But there is really no reason for the hard and fast adoption
of either period. The changes in Greek pronunciation, from
Homer to the Greek Testament or Plutarch, are enormous. For
these anj^ Attic classical pronunciation will be more or less palpably
wrong, and an early Attic standard will incorrectly represent the
actual pronunciation even of a late Attic writer. For the Attic
classical period seems to have been one of Unusually rapid change
in the sounds of the spoken language. It is possible, in fact, to
agree that pronunciation shall be Attic, and yet to leave to the
intending reformer a considerable range of choice. This seems to
me to be a reasonable and practical basis to start from. No one in
his senses will propose that we shall pronounce the words of
Homer with their actual Homeric, or those of the New Testament
with their actual Hellenistic, values. We are going deliberately to
pronounce all works of those periods quite differently. Under
these circumstances it seems but a slight injury to Aeschylus that
we shall sometimes rather pronounce his words as Demosthenes or
Aristotle would have done than as he would have done himself.
The elbow-room thus gained by the reformer is of very great
practical value, and to the English reformer more so than to the
Welsh. The Welsh student is generally bilingual : he has the
phonology of two languages at his command ; the English beginner
is often familiar with English sounds only, and has a fine contenipt
for any other. Nay, even the English schoolmaster, if you are
going to make Greek pronunciation as difficult to learn and to
teach as that of French or German, will simply refuse to move in
the matter: the would-be reformer will talk to deaf ears. I am
credibly informed, and am not surprised to hear, that the English
student at the Welsh colleges takes up the reformed Greek
pronunciation much more incompletely and clumsily than his
bilingual comrade.
In the meantime I have myself been trying to carry out
practically my own somewhat different plan, with English students,
and the object of the present paper is to relate my experiences.
PRONUNCIATION OF ANCIENT GREEK,
21
I began this attempt in the session immediately succeeding the
above correspondence, with a class of seven beginners. A year
later, with this class still' going on, I applied it to a second class of
seven beginners, and this session I am applying it to a third set
of eight. All these students are English without exception.
Experience has modified my opinions slightly here and there.
I find it possible and desirable, for example, to give to ?/ the open
value of French ^, though it cannot be prudently insisted on at first.
In tinie, however, the student himself feels the need of clear dis-
tinction between ft and 17, and begins to co-operate in making it
broader. The following is a list of the sounds employed, ex-
pressed first in the symbols of the Association phonitique inter-
nattonale^ and secondly in key- words almost entirely from, English.
Long a
Short a
€
V
Short t
Long t
o
CO
Long V
Short V
a
€L
V
av
rjv
ov
Vowels.
ntboL
Key-words.
a:
a m father.
a
a in man.
e
e in bed.
'
e:
ea in wearing.
1
i \nfit.
•
1:
i in machine.
0
0 in pot.
0:
0 in bone.
y:
French u.
y
French //.
Diphthongs.
•
ai
i in bite.
a:i
ai in Pa is.
■
ei
et in m«, with longer i.
e:i
the two vowels of
Mary.
oi
oi in coin.
0:1
oi in going.
yj
French u plus consonantal y.
au
ou in loud.
■
eu
the two vowels of
they who.
enl
the two vowels of
careful.
u:
u in brtite.
-
22 PRONUNCIATION OF ANCIENT GREEK.
CONSONANTS.
p
r
trilled r.
9
s
J always, never z.
?
dz
dz in adze^ always.
f
ks
ks in backseat^ always.
V^
ps
ps in capsule^ always.
*
f
fvcifee.
X
X
ch in German /rA or ach.
0
th
th in /A/;^^.
The other consonants, tt, t, k^ /8, S, 7, \, /a, i/, require no
comment. Neither does the rough breathing. I did not attempt
to give any phonetic value to the smooth breathing, which I regard
as sub judice.
It will be observed that the above scheme demands from
the English pupil only two entirely foreign sounds, — French u
and German ch. It is impossible for simplification to go any
further in that direction ; for these two sounds are indispensable
to any reformation worthy of the name. The diphthongs,
however, exhibit several cases where the sounds, though English,
are unusual in combination, so that key-words can only be given
for the sounds separately, and not in any single English syllable.
Perhaps the hardest of them to teach are the ei; and r\Vy because
they represent combinations unknown to English, outside the
Cockney dialect. The combination vi is not at all hard, after
the V has been acquired. It is, in fact, not really a diphthong :
its first sound is simply that of ir (=: French «), whilst its second
sound is that of initial English y^ and belongs, really, rather to the
next syllable, in which the following sound is always a vowel ;
e.g. vio?, r€Tv<l>vta in phonetic script become hy\jos and Myfy\ja.
I hesitate a little still about giving to the diphthongal sign ov
the non-diphthongal value «. It is the only sign in the whole
scheme which is phonetically very inconsistent ; and it has the
mischievous effect of preventing the teacher from insisting that
every diphthongal sign must be pronounced by combining the
sounds of its elements. If it were pronounced as written {p + «),
its later equivalence with Roman ft would be partly obscured,
but the value would be classical, if rather early, whilst some
contractions, notably those of o€ and 00^ would become much
more intelligible than they are at present.
PRONUNCIATION OF ANCIENT GREEK. 2y
The slight ambiguities of e ' and v are not practically
troublesome. The former by itself has the phonetic value called e
(Fr. /): in the diphthong ei it has the phonetic value e (Ft. /) :
but the former is a necessary concession to English habits of
speech. So v has the French value of u when isolated, and
the English value in diphthongs : but the reason for that is
historical; it results from a pre-Attic change in the value of
isolated Aryan //, which did not extend to the diphthongs.
But perhaps the most interesting part of my experiment
is that relating to the accents. Of these I spoke quite tentatively
in my letters ; and I have proceeded quite tentatively in my
teaching. I said nothing to the students at first about the accents
being musical, but got them to observe both the acute and the
circumflex indifferently as stress. Two tendencies at once
appeared, as had been already forecasted in the letters: short
open accented syllables, like the second syllable of <f>i\ia^ tended
to become long, as in modern Greek : long closed unaccented
syllables, like the second syllable of avOpaairo^^ tended to become
short. Besides these there was, of course, the usual English habit
of obscuring unaccented a, €, o, as in the second syllables of crdfiaTa,
TyTTTere, BlBotc, into one indistinguishable sound, resembling u in
bi/t; and the tendency to insert a superfluous English j/ consonant
before ov and v was sometimes observable. It was difficult, too,
at first to get final e sounded differently from final t, but there
is thfs great advantage in using a perfectly phonetic alphabet,
that you can appeal to the reasoning faculties of the student
and point out to him that two different signs cannot, and must
not, be sounded in the same waiy.
The last two tendencies have no special connection with
accent, or with the method of accentuation here proposed ; but
the other three are all directly connected with accent, and the
first and second tend perhaps to operate more strongly here
than in the usual school accentuation of Greek. They are all
derived ultimately from the forcible nature of the English stress-
accent. The Englishman makes his stressed vowel strong and
clear ; and if it is not hemmed in by a following consonant
he insists on making it long also, as my students did in (jyiXia.
But the other vowels must take care of themselves, and get
themselves uttered as best they may : and they come out lopped
and maimed accordingly — like the eo of avOpeoTro^, the a of adyfiara^
jetc. What is the remedy for all this ?
24 PRONUNCIATION OF ANCIENT GREEK.
It is simply useless to tell English students not to accentuate
so strongly. That is a matter of habit, nearly invincible. But
I found little difficulty in accomplishing the same object by
the converse process of levelling up. I simply insisted on
hearing the proper vowel in every syllable ; and that in. itself
brought a larger share of stress with it, and generally brought
the right quantity too : for the sounds here attributed to long
a, t, aad G) exist only in English as long sounds, and the English
beginner could hardly make them short if he tried. That is one
reason why I prefer the close value for w.
In the meantime I kept drawing the students* attention to
the fact that there was a musical element in their pronunciation,
and showed them how, of their own accord, they usually
pronounced the accented syllable on a tone higher or lower than
the rest. Then at last I ventured to tell them that in Greek
the use of a lower tone on the accented syllable was wrong:
they must take care always to use a rise of tone. Some students
took up this instruction with the greatest ease, others more
laboriously ; but all carried it through fairly well in the end.
It all depends on musical ear.
Further than this I have not ventured to push them, though
I have explained to them, of course, that el is €*, whilst €* is el,
and that even long vowels, like i; and ^, are to be similarly
distinguished. Occasionally, however, the circumflex imperatively
demands its appropriate rise and fall, e.g. in (jyiXelre fie, the second
rise of tone becomes difficult or impossible unless the intervening
fall is observed.
I need hardly say that by all these changes the musical
and acoustic colour of the language is completely changed ; but
after the first feeling of strangeness is gone, the effect is lifelike
and pleasing, and gives to the hearer a very different impression
from what Freeman called the "tow-tow and bow-wow" of
English schoolboy Greek. Curious phonetic problems arise here
and there. The two Greek words above instanced, for example,
have three distinct meanings, — affirmative, interrogative, and
imperative. To what extent were these phonetically distinguished?
We distinguish them in English as You love me. Do you love me ?
and Love me, as well as by differences of tone. But in Greek the
three forms are identical, and the use of tone is much limited
by the necessity of putting the highest tone on two given syllables.
The simplest and, therefore, perhaps the most likely, supposition
PRONUNCIATION OF ANCIENT GREEK. 2$
is that the two high tones were not always identical. They may
have been identical, for example, in the affirmative form of the
phrase; but the first may have been higher than the second in
case of interrogation, and the second higher than the first in case
of a command or entreaty, or vice versd.
Incidentally the above little problem shows also how futile
it is to assert that we can apply English tone expression equally
well to Greek sentences whether we take any notice of the Greek
accents or not. Consider what happens when we try to utter
these two words interrogatively, according to the English mode
of interrogation : we end inevitably with a high musical accent
on the fte, a kind of thing which cannot possibly have happened
in Greek, otherwise it must have left its trace upon their rules
of accentuation. Tone expression has its broad bases doubtless in
universal human nature, but in detail it is subject to considerable
variation, and to apply English tonic expression to Greek
sentences, in utter neglect or defiance of the tonic accent of
the words composing those sentences, can only produce a result
which will be anything but Greek.
But is it worth while, the reader will say, to * take all this
trouble about accentuation? Emphatically yes. The trouble to
be taken may be great, but the trouble saved will be far greater ;
because the student will thenceforward carry the accentuation of
every Greek word, as he carries that of every English word, in his
ear, and not, as now, in contradiction to his ear, by a sheer
exertion of memory.
AN ELIZABETHAN LIST OF WORKS
ON EDUCATION MAINLY BY
HUMANISTS.
THE interest of the subjoined documents is twofold. In
the first place it presents us with a list, obviously
fairly complete, of the authoritative writings on
methods of study and of education accessible to a
student in the closing years of the sixteenth century. No
educational author of importance seems to have been omitted ;
although, as in the case of the De puerorunt ediuatione ascribed
to Filelfo and to M. Vegio, we have, by a confusion common
to that period, the same work attributed to different writers.
But the document has a more particular interest to the student
of Humanism. The entry De puerorunt eruditione^ " Nic. Perotti
liber," is the only first-hand mention of the work on education
by the great Bishop of Siponto which many years' search has
enabled me to discover. The existence of this work has
hitherto been known only from the record of it by Fabricius
in his enumeration of the works, edited and inedited, of its
author (J. A. Fabricius, Bib, Lat, Med, et Inf, Aety Florentine^
1858, vol. V, p. 122. col. 2). Voigt, whose research into the
history of Humanism little or nothing ever escaped, includes it
in his list of Humanist works on education {Wiederbelebiing
des class, Alterthutns.^ Bd. ii, s. 458), and adds "nicht bekannt
geworden" ; and in his note, " Ich finde das Buch de puerorum
eruditione nur bei Fabricius .... erwahnt" It would be
interesting to know whether any other references to this work
of Perotti exist It was evidently not an ephemeral tract, as
it survived the death of its author 1 20 years, and presumably was
known in England, as the manuscript list is written in an English
hand of the period. Anything that might lead to the discovery
of the tractate itself would be of great interest to students of
Humanism, for, as Erasmus himself declared, the contribution of
Perotti to the right method of teaching Latin was of profound
importance ; and, moreover, it could not fail to exhibit the
influence of Vittorino da Feltre, whose pupil Perotti was
towards the close of the Mantuan master's career.
W. H. WOODWARD.
LIST OF WORKS ON EDUCATION. 2/
B, Mus. HarL MSS, begins 4,043,/ 16.
De Puerorum Institutione et Ratione Studiorum.
Consilia de puero literis instituendo. Friderici Nauseae.
De ratione studii puerilis. Jo. Lud. Vives.
De Studio puerili. Decius Ausonius.
Eiusdem ratio instituendi discipulos.
De ratione studiorum et officio discipuli. Quintilianus, Lib. t.
Declamatio de primorum studiorum ratione. Sebastiani Linckii.
De ratione studiorum. Ant. Bellinus, Vitus Amerbachius Ringelbergius,
Joan Eckius.
De Instituenda studiorum ratione ad nepotes suos. Basilii Magni Paraenesis.
De ratione et ordine studendi, repetendae lectionis norma, et ratione colligendi
exempla. Erasmus, Tom. i.
De studio formando. Rod. Agricola.
De stud. lit. commode instituendo. Budaeus.
De modo studendi. Herman. Schildis.
De studiorum conditione. Joa. Pierius.
Adolescentia. Fac. Wimpselingii (sic).
De liberorum institutione. Sabellicus, 3, 2. Plutarchus.
De institutione puerorum. Vincentius Bell. Jo. Rinius. Otho Brunfelsius.
De institutione puerili. Rutgeri, libri 2.
De puerorum bona institutione. Brunselsius Pandectar., lib. 6, circa finem.
De institutione adolescentium. Huld. Zuinglii aphorismi : et nonnulla
Philalethis Clementis.
De puerorum eruditione. Nic. Perotti liber.
De pueris liberaliter instituendis. Jac. Sadoleti, item Erasmi, liber tom. i.
De institutione puellarum. Hieronymi epistola ad Lactam.
De generosa puerorum educatione. Jacobi Comitis Purliliarum, libellus optimus.
De educatione leges Socratica ex Platone in Hecatonomia Fabri Staptilensis.
De educatione liberorum. Aeneas Sylvius, epist. 431. Item epistola TheanAs.
De liberis pie educandis. Caelius Secundus.
De educatione puerorum. Francisc. Philelphus. Joach. Camerarius.
De educatione puerorum, et Claris eorum moribus. Maphei Vegii, libri 6.
De ludis puerorum. Joach. Camerarius.
De Principum Institutione.
Principis consideratio. Jo. Gerson, 2.
Principis institutio. Georg. Maior ex Claudiano de 4° principatu Honorii Isoco.
Marsil. Ficinus ad Cardinalem Jo. Carnotensem. Philosophica Principis
institutio. Marsil. Ficinus, 6, 13 et 53. Gueuara. epist. 29.
De principe praecepta. Volater., lib. 30.
Ventas de instit. princip. Marsil., 5, 27.
Principis institutio, officia virtutes. Johannes Camotensis, lib. 4.
Enchiridion Principis Christiani per Comelium Scribonium et Petrum Aegidium.
Doctrina pro Maximiliano iuvene dictata. Pellican. 106. Cyri paedia Xenoph.
Institutio Principis Christiani. Eras., to. 4.
Educandi principis praecepta. Pontanus, tom. i.
De principum ludis. Jac. Magnus in Sophilogio, 3. 3. 8.
De sapientia principis ne[cessa]ria. Jac. Wimpfelingius dialog, i et 6 suae
philippicae.
Adde, Mores puerorum, Pharetra. Catechesis puerorum de fide literis et
moribus per Othonem Brunfelsium.
De filiorum institutione. Ambros. Tarvisimus.
Liberorum educatio. Rampigollus, cap. 50.
De filiolae institutione. Hieronymi Strid. ad Gaudentium epistola, to. i openim.
De liberorum educatione. Hieronymi epist. ad Saluinam.
AN IRISH BULL OF URBAN IV
ATTRIBUTED BY RYMER
TO URBAN V.
By J. A. TWEMLOW.
IN the several editions of Rymer,^ under date November 5,
1363 (an, 37 Edward III) is printed, as a bull of Urban
V addressed to Edward III, a letter commending to the
King (without mention of his name) one P., Archbishop
of Armagh, translated thither from Raphoe by the Pope upon
the postulation of the Dean and Chapter of Armagh, Wilkins ^
reprints the bull from one of the first two editions of Rymer,
and inserts the King's name Edwardo. Sir Thomas Duffus
Hardy gives: "1363, November 5. Urban [V] desires the K. to
confirm the translation of P, bp of Rathbog^ [Rathbocensis]
t9 the see of Armagh, Viterbo."^ The bull does not occur in
Urban V's Regesta Vaticana in the Vatican Archives,^ nor in
Theiner. ® The series oi Regesta preserved at the Vatican is,
however, incomplete, and Theiner is waywardly eclectic. This
omission is therefore of no great significance.
The bull itself, as printed, contains an element sufficient
not only to show that the attribution to Urban V is an error,
btit also to determine its true author. It is thus dated : Dat
Viterbii Non. Novembris pontificatus nostri anno primo. Now
Urban V's itinerary ^ shows that he was very far from
Viterbo on November 5, anno i, i.e. November 5, 1363. Elected
1 Foedera^ original ed., vi (1708), 424 ; second ed., vi (1727), 424; third
(Hague) ed., in (1740), ii, 82 ; fourth (Record Conmoission) ed., ill, ii (1830), 713,
* Concilia^ iii (i 737); 58 : "Ex Foeder. Rymer, vol. vi, p. 424.'^
' Sic,
* Syllabus of Rymer*s Foedera, I (1869), 429.
* See Calendar of Papal Letters, vol. iv (in the pr^ss), pp. i to 91.
* Vetera Monumenta Hibemorum et Scotorum historiam illustrantia,
Rome, 1864.
' e.g. in Mas Latrie, Trdsor de Chronologie^ Paris, 1889, coll. 1131-1132,
AN IRISH BULL OF URBAN iV. 29
at Avignon September, 1362, whilst absent on a mission to
Florence, he was crowned at Avignon on the following
November 6, from which date his pontificate is reckoned. He
was not in Italy until May 24, 1367, when he landed at Genoa
on his way from Avignon, vid Marseilles, to Rome, and he
arrived at Viterbo June 9, 1367. The bull therefore did not
issue from Urban V. To which, then, of the Popes who assumed
the name of Urban is it, in accordance with its date, to be
assigned? The only Urban rendered possible by his itinerary
is Urban IV,^ who was consecrated at Viterbo, September 4,
1261, and remained there till July 21, 1262, dying at Perugia
October 2, 1264. On November 5, anno i, i.e. November 5, 1261,
Urban IV was therefore at Viterbo, and the bull is his. In
assigning it to Urban V, November 5, 1363, instead of to
Urban IV, November 5, 1261, Rymer has misdated it by more
than a hundred years. ^
An examination of the original bull itself, from which
Rymer printed, and which is preserved in the Public Record
Office, confirms the above conclusion. It has on the verso a
printed label: "PAPAL BULLS, BOX 61, No. 4," above which
is written in a modern hand " i. Urbanus 5. 37. E. 3."^ The
parchment measures 14J by 11 f inches, and contains 14 lines
parallel to the greater dimension. The seal, unfortunately not
only for Rymer himself but also for his critics, * is wanting. The
handwriting is, however, unmistakeably of the late thirteenth
century, and ought alone to have rendered a chronological error
* Trisor de Chronolos^ie^ coU. 1114.
' This is a greater chronological error than any of those set forth in the
long list of " documents of which the dates are wrongly given in the Fo^dera
and are corrected in the Syllabus," Syllabus of Rymer^ III, Appendix,
pp. iii sqq. On p. vi occurs a case very similar to the present. Three bulls
of Alexander IV, 1257, are dated in Rymer under the year 1162 as though
belonging to Alexander III.
** Box or Bundle' No. '61 contains four other bulls of Urban V, one
of them with, the other three without, the leaden bull of that Pope to whom
they are duly assigned. Tie 32 five bulls were formerly in the Tower. A
second bundle. No. 34, contains sixteen bulls of the same Pope, seven with,
nine without seals, from Westminster. There are, in fact, in the Record Office
two series of bulls which correspond to the former Tower and Westminster
collections, and are kept distinct.
* For a defence of Rymer against Dr. Adam Clarke, see the prefaces to
the volumes of Hardy's Syllabus.
30 AN IRISH BULL OF URBAN IV
of a century impossible. An almost invisible note on the verso
reads "-£ //j." This endorsement has been cleaned while the
present note was in proof, and comes out " Enuf[r ?]ius " —
presumably the name of a chancery clerk.
The Archbishop *P.' of the bull is Patrick O'Scanlan or
O'Scanlain who became Bishop of Raphoe, a suffragan of
Armagh, about 1253.^ The metropolitan see became vacant by
the death of Abraham O'Conellan, December 21, 1260,^ and on
the following 27th February, 1261, the King, Henry III, granted
the Dean and Chapter licence to elect* Their unanimous. choice
fell upon Patrick 0*Scanlan, Bishop of Raphoe, a Friar
Preacher, and the election was confirmed by the King, who on
August 13 wrote to the Pope recommending the postulation.*
The Pope, by the present bull, accepted the postulation and
translated Patrick to Armagh. Ware's words are : " Electio
. . . . ab ipso Papa (Urbano IV) per bullam datam Nonis
Novembr. 1261, approbata est. "^ Our bull was thus known
to Ware. It does not occur in the Vatican Regesta of Urban
IV.® Little seems to be known of Archbishop Patrick. He
restored and greatly adorned his cathedral at Armagh, founded
a house there for the Grey Friars,^ died at Dundalk, March
16, 1270, and was buried with his own order, at the Black
Friars, Drogheda.^ His successor at Raphoe, John de Alneto,
a Friar Minor, was appointed by Pope Urban by bull dated
* Eubel, Hierarchia Catholica Medii Aevi^ Munster, 1898, p. 433, fol-
lowing Gams, Series Episcoporum^ p. 231.
* Ware, De Praesulibus Hiberniae Commentarius^ Dublin, 1665, p. 18,
followed by Gams, p. 207. Eubel has found nothing new in the Vatican
Archives, and has to content himself with a reference to Gams.
^ Ware, ibid. Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, ed. H. S.
Sweetman, 1877, p. 113, doct. No. 701.
* Calendar, p. 114, doct. No. 711. Cf. Ware, ibid.
* Ware, ibid. Cf. a letter of Henry III in the following year to his
escheatbr in Ireland, 20th April, 1262 :".... the K. gave the royal
assent to this postulation, the Pope confirmed it .... " Gams follows
Ware, and Eubel, Gams.
* See W. H. Bliss, Calendar of Papal Letters, vol. i, pp. 376-418; L^n
Dorez et Jean Guiraud, Les Registres (VUrbain IV^ premier fascicule, tom. ii,
Paris, 1892 ; Theiner, Monumenta^ pp. 87-95.
' Ware, loc. cit.
* Ibid. Cf Gams, op. cit., p. 207. For O'Scanlan's place in the primacy
controversy between Armagh and Dublin, see the edition of Ware by Harris
(Dublin, 1739), i, 67-68, and Burke, Hibemia Dominicana (1762), p. 459, note.
ATTRIBUTED BY RYMER TO URBAN V. 3 1
December 3, 1263.* His successor at Armagh, Nicholas Mac
Molissa or Macmaelisa, was appointed by Gregory X, July 13,
1272.2
The several editions of the bull containing virtually the same
errors of transcription and punctuation, the text is here given
from the original : —
Urbanus episcopus seruus seruorum Dei carissimo in Christi
filio--* illustri regi Anglie salutem et apostolicam benedic-
tionem. In dispensatione ministrorum ecclesie Dei secundum
tempiis causam et locum sunt interdum pro rebus emergentibus
noua consilia capienda et, prout temporis uarietas et cause
deposcit utilitas, nunc per assumptionem nunc per translationem
prouidam, locorum sollicitudines * sunt imponende personis, et
locis personarum ministeria prouidenda, ut ex personarum industria
locorum crescat utilitas, et ex oportunitate locorum fructuosiora ^
reddantur studia personarum. Sane, Armachana ® ecclesia pastoris
solatio destituta, dilecti filii--^ decanus et capitulum eiusdem
ecclesie, die ad electionem prefixa, uocatis omnibus qui debebant
uolebant et commode poterant* interesse, et Spiritus Sancti
gratia inuocata, venerabilem fratrem nostrum .P. archiepis-
copum Armachanum, primatem Ibernie,® tunc episcopum
Ware is followed by Soveges, Annde Dominicaine (Amiens, 1689), under y««^,
Preface, p. xix, and Soveges is in turn reproduced by Cavalieri, Galleria ....
delP Ordine de* Predicatori (Benevento, 1696), i, 78. RipoU, Bullarium
Praedicatorum^ i) 4I3 and 447, contents himself with references to the writers
just mentioned.
^ Printed by Theiner, op. cit., p. 92. Cf. Bliss, Calendar of Papal Letters^
i, 393. Eubel, op. cit, p. 433 (with date 3 Dec. 1364); all from the Vatican
Registers of Urban IV, tom. xxviii, fol. 19 (epist. 63).
* Eubel, p. 109, from Vat. Reg. Greg. X, tom. xxxvii, epist. 43.
' Here the first ed. of Rymer leaves a blank. The second has three
short hyphens, the third a long one. The fourth (Record Commission) ed.
employs neither blank nor hyphens. Wilkins interpolates Edwardo,
* and * soliciiudines and fructuosa in all the editions of the Foedera and
in Wilkins.
* Here and always spelt Ardmachana by Wilkins.
' Rymer, first ed., has here a blank. The second ed. has three short
hyphens, and the third ed. a long one. The fourth (Record) ed. has neither
blank nor hyphens. Wilkins puts four dots.
8 Poterunt in the first ed. of Rymer, corrected in the later editions.
* Hiberni(E in Wilkins only.
32 AN IRISH BULL OF URBAN IV.
Rathbotensem, ^ virum utique, luxta testimonia fidedignorufn apud
nos et fratres nostros non*^ tarn credibilia quam certa, litterarum
scientia preditum, consilii maturitate preclarum, et morum
honestate uenustum, ac tarn in temporalibus quam in spiritualibus
circumspectum, in Armachanum archiepiscopum unanimiter et
concorditer postularunt, dilecti filii - - ^ archidiaconi Armachani
qui tempore postulationis huiusmodi in remotis agebat ad id
^ccedente consensu, nobisque ipsius postulationis transmisso
decreto, humiliter supplicarunt ut eandem postulationem
admittere dignaremur. Cum igitur, sicut intelleximus, ecclesia
supradicta industriam dicti .P. per exigentiam huiusmodi
circumstantiarum exposcat, et in eodem .P. copiosiorem * seminis
sui fructum ibi loci habilitas repromittat, nos postulationem
ipsam de fratrum predictorum consilio duximus admittendam
absoluentes ipsum a uinculo quo Rathbottensi * ecclesie
tenebatur, eumque ad ipsam Armachanam ecclesiam transferentes.
Quocirca regiam celsitudinem rogamus et hortamus^ attente
quatinus*^ dictum archiepiscopum cum ecclesia sibi commissa
propensius habeas pro divina et nostra reuerentia com-
mendatum, sibi uel procuratori suo eius nomine regalia ® sine
difficultate qualibet concedendo. Ita quod ipse per auxilium
gratie tue in cura pastoralis regiminis possit efficacius operari,
et tu inde diuinam misericordiam et gratiam apostolice sedis et
nostram ualeas promereri. Datum Viterbii nonis Novembris
pontificatus nostri anno primo.
1 Correct in the third ed. only of Rymer. The first, second, and Record
editions have Raihbocensem, Wilkins has Rathbottensem,
* The following words as far as uenustum are, in the first ed. of Rymer,
so punctuated as to destroy the sense, and certd is printed instead of certUf
The other three editions closely reproduce the first. Wilkins alone punctuates
correctly and understood his text.
' The four editions of Rymer and that of Wilkins agree in the absence of
blank and hyphens.
* Copiosorem in the first ed. of Rymer, corrected in the others and in
Wilkins.
* As in the first three editions of Rymer and in Wilkins. Rathbocensi
in Record edition.
* Sic, Corrected in all the editions of Rymer and in Wilkins.
' Quatenus in Wilkins.
® Regalid in the Record ed. only. The other three editions and Wilkins
are correct.
TWO LECTURES ON THE TEMPLES
AND RITUAL OF ASKLEPIOS AT
EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS.
Delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain,
By Richard Caton, M.D., F.R.C.P.
LECTURE I.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
You are aware that during the last twenty-five years the
energy and enthusiasm in archaeological research of such men as
Dr. Schliemann have not merely thrown a considerable amount of
light on historic and prehistoric Greece, but have also awakened a
keener enthusiasm among classical scholars and in Societies devoted
in various countries to archaeological investigation. Even Govern-
ments have been influenced and induced to help on the progress of
these most interesting studies. The German Government has
spent large sums in the excavation of Olympia and Pergamus.
The French Government has wisely and liberally devoted con-
siderable sums to the excavation of Delphi and to other important
works. The Greek Government and the Athenian Archaeological
Society have expended much money and an infinitude of labour
on investigations of the classic wealth of their own land.
In these three instances, although the amount paid is trivial
when viewed in the national balance-sheet, its archaeological
equivalent is great. These three countries have not only made
the whole world their debtor by the liberality they have displayed,
but each has quickened and stimulated a taste for learning and for
art among its own people.
One or two other nationalities have had a share in the progress
made, though of a more private and individual kind. The
American School has explored the Heraeon and certain other
classical sites, and lastly our own British School in Athens, whose
3
34 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF
chief wealth has been the enthusiasm of its members, has done
much, when we consider its difficulties, and the lack of the sufficient
pecuniary support with which other countries have endowed their
representatives.
Although considerable interest is felt by the English public
in regard to much of the work just referred to, one important
field of investigation has remained almost unknown in this
country ; I mean the exploration of the shrines of Asklepios, the
god of healing, at Epidaurus and Athens, about which I am to
have the honour of speaking to you. As the time allotted is
brief, it is needful to avoid all prefatory remarks, and to restrict
this paper almost entirely to a consideration of the new
discoveries and to inferences from them. As a matter of fact,
apart from the Hippocratic writings there is but scant information
as to the sanitary and medical aspects of Greek life in ancient
literature. Homer and Pindar have brief references to Epidaurus
and other sanctuaries of the god ; so also Plato, 'Hippys of
Regium, Strabo, and some of the dramatists, as Aristophanes,
also certain of the late Greek writers, especially Pausanias.
Under these circumstances most precious are the researches
made by the spade.
The pioneer in this inquiry was M. Cavvadias, the eminent
archaeologist, now Minister of Education in the Greek Govern-
ment. To him more than to anyone else we owe the important
additions lately made to this branch of archaeology.
He worked largely in conjunction with the Greek Archaeo-
logical Society, and was aided by many individual members ; for
example, M. Stafs, who did excellent work in deciphering the
hundreds of inscriptions which were found — a work of no small
difficulty.
Various members of the French School, such as M. G6rard,
MM. Defrass and Lechat, and Prof Reinach : Dr. Dorpfeld,
Prof. Furtwangler, Herr Baunack, Dr. Kochler, and others
associated with the German School, have had a share in the
work or in recording its results.
Comparatively little has been done by the English, and
still less has been published in our language. An interesting
paper by Professor Percy Gardner, in his New Chapters in Greek
History^ some valuable references by Miss Jane Harrison, the
admirable notes in Mr. Eraser's new edition of Pausanias^ and
one or two articles in American journals are among the chief.
A
/
k.
ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 35
For details of the work of the various writers vide Biblio-
graphy below.
I have to express my acknowledgment to the authorities
I have named, but chiefly to M. Cavvadias for his kindness in
giving me special facilities in Greece, and for allowing me the
use of some of his plates ; also to MM. Defrass and Lechat,
who permit me to show you some of their beautiful restorations.
Apart from these most of the lantern slides I shall show you
were taken by myself on the scene of the various excavations
or in Museums.^
I. The Hieron of Epidaurus.
According to tradition, Asklepios, the son of Apollo and
Koroni, was born in the Hieron valley, in the Argolic peninsula ;
the place-names still preserve the legend ; the hamlet of Koroni
commemorates his mother, the hill Titthion owes its name to
his having been there suckled by a goat, while on the opposite
hill, Kynortion, stood the temple of the Maleatean Apollo.
The Hieron six miles from the town of Epidaurus was the
chief seat of the worship of Asklepios, though minor ones
existed in Athens, at Delphi, Pergamus, Troezen, Cos, Tricca,
and other places.
Here is an outline restoration, Plate I, representing some
of the principal buildings in the Hieron.
I must warn the reader that the plan does not profess to
be accurate. The structural detail of the buildings is always
more or less conjectural ; even their relative size and their distances
from one another are only approximately correct. The object
of the plan is to give a general idea of the arrangement of the
chief buildings hitherto discovered, exclusive of the theatre.
(It should be stated here that the numbers which follow refer
to the illustrations, while the capital letters correspond with those
on Plate I.)
A represents the great ceremonial gateway or Propylaea on
the south of the precinct. Its close relation to the quadrangle
B has caused some observers to suppose it was the entrance to
B alone, but to the writer that seems improbable.
^ About one-third of the lantern slides are here reproduced,
$6 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF
^ is a large quadrangle about 250 feet square, reminding
one of the Paliestra at Olympia, The central space was sur-
rounded by small roohis and a colonnade ; some of the columns
of the latter remain, embedded in the later Roman brickwork
of a music-hall or Odeon, constructed within the quadrangle.
Nine rows of seats and part of the stage of the Odeon still
remain. The building has been supposed to be a gymnasium ;
but if SO; must have ceased to be the scene of gymnastic exercises
after the quadrangle was built upon in Roman times. Was it
a hostel?
C represents the Temple of Asklepios, the central shrine,
a richly decorated and coloured Doric building, erected in the
fourth century B.C., as shown in the accompanying restoration
by Defrass, Plate II. At the east and west gables were pediment
groups representing a battle with Centaurs and a combat of
Greeks and Amazons, Plate IV ; together with Acroteria,
ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 37
Plate III, Nereids alighting from horseback, on the two sides,
and a central winged victory. A beautiful ivory door, which cost
3,000 drachma;, closed the sanctuary ; within the cella was a
single chamber ; there was no opisthodomus. Here stood, as
shown in Defrass's drawing Plate V, the great chryselephantine
statue of Asklepios made by Thrasymedes of Paros, a work
somewhat resembling the Parthenon figure, or the vast Zeus of
Olympia ; the flesh was ivory, the rest gold splendidly enamelled
in colours. The god was sitting on a throne, a large golden
PLATE III.— Nereid.
serpent rising up to his left hand ; on his right lay a dc^, and in
front was an altar.
Gold and ivory must have been beautiful materials for the
sculptor, though involving much difficulty when combined. The
disappearance of chryselephantine sculpture in modern times is
perhaps due to this difficulty in production, but probably more to
the fact that the ivory usually tended to crack. The great figure
of Athena in the Parthenon needed, we know, to be frequently
moistened on its ivory surface with water. At Olympia, oil was
38 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF
applied to the great figure of Zeus, but curiously enough the
Asklepios at Epidaurus needed neither. As the god of medicine,
it may be supposed that he was able to preserve his own integu-
ment, but Pausanias tells us that a well, beneath the pavement
of the temple; diffused sufficient moisture to prevent contraction
and cracking of the ivory.
Plate V! shows the foundations of the Temple as they now
exist. D D in my first illustration is the Ionic portico or
Abaton, a part of which is seen in the second photograph ; the
PLATE IV.— Amazon.
western part is in two storeys, the lower one being in the basement.
It is open on the south side ; a double colonnade supports the
roof, the eaves of which, together with the walls and columns,
showed colour decoration. This constituted the ward or sleeping
place for the sick who were awaiting the miraculous inter-
position of the god. The Abaton was furnished with pallets,
lamps, tables, altars, and probably curtains, the patients them*
selves supplying their own bed clothing. The details of this
building I shall give in my next lecture.
ASKLfiPlOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS.
39
Plate VII shows the remains of the eastern part of the
Abaton and Plate VIII the remains of the lower storey of the
western part. The latter photograph was taken from the top
of the stairs leading down to the area-like court from which
access was obtained to the lower storey. E in Plate I is the
Tholos or Thumela (shown in the annexed restoration by
Defrass), Plate IX, the most beautiful circular temple probably
that the Greeks ever built, far surpassing the Philippeion at
PLATE v.— Restobation
Olympia. It was built in the fourth century B.C., by Polycleitus
the younger, and took twenty-one years to build ; externally
there was a beautiful Doric colonnade, with peculiarly rich
cornice, coloured. Within was a circle of sixteen graceful
Corinthian columns of marble, the wall and floor were also
decorated with variously coloured marbles. Here were two
celebrated paintings by Pausias, the Greek artist ; the first
represented Mcthe (drunkenness), a woman holding a lai^e
40
THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF
wine goblet to her lips, the glass of which was so painted that
the face was seen through it. The second, a picture of Eros
(Love) laying aside his bow and quiver and taking up his lyre.
Perhaps we may suppose that the painter here indicated the
relation of Bacchus and Venus to the ailments which alTlict
mankind. The scourges which we are told the gods make out
of the pleasant vices of men doubtless often brought the
wealthy Greek as a suppliant to Asklepios.
What was the purpose of the Tholos ? Defrass and Lechat
--- — ■ PLATE VI.— Bask OF Temple o
believe it was a drinking fountain, a sort of pump-room, in
which in old times a healing spring arose ; if so, we can
imagine the gouty Athenian being sent here to drink large
draughts from the holy spring, he envying meanwhile Methe
and her occupation on the wall before him. The foundations
are curious, consisting of a series of circular walls forming a
labyrinth, every part of which must necessarily be traversed by
the explorer seeking the central space (Plate X).
MM. Defrass and Lechat think this singularly constructed
basement was a water cistern from which the 'Pump-room
ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 4I
above was supplied. The difficulties attending this rather
attractive hypothesis are — (a) that the word 'Thumela' means a
sacrificing place ; (^) Pausanias speaks of the THolos and of the
Sacred Well as though they were entirely distinct places ;
(c) after careful search I can find no trace of a water conduit ;
(</) the basement space, I may say confidently, was not cemented,
either on wall or floor, as it would have lieen if to hold water.
Not improbably the tholos was employed for minor sacrifices,
and perhaps the labyrinth below may have been associated with
PLATE VII.— Remains of East Abaton.
some mysterious Asklepian rite of which we are now ignorant ;
or the labyrinth may have been the home of the sacred
serpents. We do not quite know what were the domestic
economics of these creatures ; they, along with the dogs, were
the incarnation of the god. They were treated by the sick
with the utmost veneration ; perhaps this curious basement
structure was their retreat, and conceivably the upper stage of
the tholos was employed for the offering of sacrifices to them
as representatives of the god.
42
THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF
Plate I, Fig. F. The Temple of Artemis is smaller than
that of Asklepios (see Plate XI) ; the eaves were decorated by
a rich cornice of sculptured heads of dogs, the attribute of
ArtemisHekate. She was a divinity of healing and succour,
the chaste moon goddess, and sister of Apollo, who healed
v^neas. Acroteria of Victories decorated the western gable ;
within was a row of marble columns, and externally stood a
figure of Artemis-Hekate.
PLATE Vlll.— Remains o
Letter G in Plate I shows the position of the Grove,
which probably extended also in the direction of the Tholos.
H in the same plate shows the position of an altar which may
have been sacred either to Asklepios or to Artemis. The letter
/ shows a foundation on which probably a much larger altar
formerly stood ; it may have been that of Asklepios on which.
possibly holocausts were offered. / represents the southern
boundary of the precinct.
ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS.
43
K in Plate I represents the square building which has
occasioned much discussion. It contains the base of an altar
surrounded by many bones of sacrificial animals and much
ash, also fragments of bronze and earthenware, many of them
bearing dedications to Apollo or Asklepios. Its period of erection
seems to have been not later than the beginning of the fifth
century B.C. It contained great numbers of statues and inscrip-
tions. It may have been a large open portico giving shelter to
PLATE IX.— Restoration of Tholos. (Defrass.)
the sick during rain, hot sun, or cold winds ; employed also for
minor sacrifices and for the exhibition of statuary, ex-votos,
and inscriptions. On the other hand, it may have been a house
for priests or officials, or even a hostel, or possibly contained
the library, the locality of which has not yet been identified.
L in Plate I represents a large building, irregular, and of
various date; believed to have been the baths of Asklepios;
this building perhaps may have also contained the library,
which was dedicated to the Maleatean Apollo, and Asklepios,
44
THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF
which one would think is likely to have been in some central
position.
M in Plate I is intended to represent a rectangular
building of which only small traces remain. Whether or not it
was a definitely constructed quadrangle, such as I have drawn,
may be uncertain. If it was, perhaps we have here the remains
of one of the two gymnasia which the inscriptions tell us
existed at the Hieron.
tjakij --.^m^
^
-ir-
^
PLATE X.— Fi
N in the same plate is a restoration of the building with
the four quadrangles, only lately excavated. It is the largest
building yet discovered at the Hieron, being nearly 90 yards
square. Each of the four quadrangles is surrounded by a
number of rooms. In all there were between seventy and
eighty of these apartments, each of which opened into its
own quadrangle {so far as I could judge). A colonnade ran
round the interior of each quadrangle. Query, what is it? — a
ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS.
45
gymnasium, a palaestra, a college for the priests, or a great hostel ?
I confess the last-named seems the most probable. When
one considers the large number of the sick who came to the
Hieron, it is obvious that extensive accommodation must have
been provided for them somewhere. The two chambers of the
abaton could not have held more than 120 beds, supposing
PLATE XI,— Restoration of Temple o
ARTEMrS. (R. C.)
these to have been placed in two rows, or if we suppose the
almost dark lower storey of the western end to have been a
dormitory also, 180 would then have been the greatest possible
accommodation. If this were the extreme number to be enter-
tained, why were seats for 12,000 or 14,000 provided in the
Stadium, and why was the great theatre seated for at least
9,000 spectators ? It appears likely, therefore, that this and
46
THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF
other undetermined buildings were hostels for the accommodation
of those whose ailments were slight or who were convalescent
The remains of this curious structure are shown as seen
from a distance in Plate XVI below.
O in Plate I is a small building of the Roman period
the purpose of which is undetermined.
/* is a building also of the Roman period, and evidently
contained baths. There are traces of a hypocaust. The remains
I.ATE Xll. — North- Eastern Colonnaue
of hot-air or hot-water pipes are abundant, and certain curious
apse-like recesses in the walls containing a seat and terminating
below in a bath or deep bason were evidently a form of
sitz-bath. When we remember that, the French have lately
discovered at Delphi no less than three extensive bathing
establishments, adjacent to the walls of the precinct on the
east, west, and south sides respectively, it is not surprising that
we should find at least two such buildings at Epidaurus.
ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 47
Q in Plate 1, a quadrangular building between the Temple of
Artemis and the South Portal. Round three, if not four, of its
sides were rooms, as in the case of the great four-quadrangle
building; many remains of columns are seen. Its purpose is not
known with certainty. It may have been a gymnasium or a
hostel, or perhaps it is the Colonnade of Cotys which Pausanias
mentions.
PLATE Xlll.— Figure or Aphkouite.
This Colonnade of Cotys, we know, was originally built of
sun-dried brick, and may perhaps originally have had wooden
columns. Sun-dried brick, so common in many parts of Greece
to-day, was often used in ancient times for important purposes,
as for example in the building of the Heraeon at Olympia.
When this somewhat perishable material was covered with a fine
hard cement, which resisted the heaviest rain, walls so
constructed became wonderfully durable. The Colonnade of
48 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF
Cotys was rebuilt during Roman times. Some of the roof tiles
discovered lately bear the name of Antoninus.
R in Plate I is a colonnade which extended east and west
nearly at right angles with the Roman baths P described above.
Plate XII shows the remains of this colonnade, also a small
open aqueduct with basons in its course about eleven yards
apart. This small water channel reminds the visitor of a
similar one existing in front of the Echo Colonnade at Olympia ;
PLATE XIV.— Northern Propyl^a a
the latter contains one or two basons like those shown in the
plate. This view shows in the distance the Roman baths (/*).
Adjoining this colonnade on the north - east is a large
quadrangle S, formerly bordered on its four sides by columns.
Its length east and west was about double its breadth north
and south.
T is believed by M. Cavvadias to be the Temple of
Aphrodite, a Doric structure only excavated in 1892. An
ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS.
49
inscription discovered on the spot speaks of the sanctuary of
Aphrodite; not far from it was found a statue of the goddess
in Parian marble, a most beautiful figure now preserved in the
Museum at Athens,
Plate XIII is an attempt to represent it.
U in Plate I is an Ionic building the present condition of
which is shown in Plate XIV. It may be a temple external
to the precinct, or it may, as others suggest, be the Northern
PLATE XV.— Theatre.
Propyljea or Ceremonial Gateway. 1^ is a Roman building
of unknown purpose, and W represents a barrier which probably
was the northern wall of the precinct.
Plate XV represents a side view of the theatre (which is
not shown in the outline plan Plate I).
The Great Theatre situated to the south of the precinct
was built about the year 450 B.C. by Polycleitus, the architect
of the tholos. Pausanias, who was a great traveller, tells us it
so
THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF
was the most interesting of all the theatres existing in his time,
and to-day anyone who is familiar with the theatres of Greece
and the Greek colonies will say that this is more impressive
than any of them. The Kollon or auditorium consisted of
fifty-five rows of marble seats, with twenty-four lines of stairs.
The space for the chorus is, according to the ancient system,
circular, and in the centre doubtless stood an altar of Bacchus.
PLATE XVI.— VlkW of Theatb
The stage was elevated nearly 12 feet, the proscenium being
enriched by splendid sculpture. The acoustics of the theatre are
perfect ; a sound little louder than a whisper uttered on the
stage can be heard in every part. The theatre is so placed on
the slope of Kynortion that the occupants of the major part of
the auditorium had a charming view (over the top of the stage)
of the mountains to the north and of the whole range of
beautiful buildings of the Hieron,
ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS.
SI
Plate XVI represents the view taken from the top row of
seats. Note the circular chorus space, the remains of the " four-
quadrangle building" and glimpses of the Hieron beyond. While
witnessing here the sublime tragedies of .^schylus or Sophocles,
or such a comedy as The Plutus of Aristophanes (in which, as
you will remember, great fun is made of Asklepios and his
priests), the contrast afforded by glancing from the stage to the
blues and purples of the mountains, the verdancy of the grove.
PLATE XVII.— East e
and the beautiful forms and colours of the group of temples
would be most pleasing. The Greeks were acute in perceiving
and taking advances of subtle sources of pleasure like this, and
I beheve that the sites of many of their theatres were chosen
so as to secure for the audience this double pleasure. The
Theatre of Delphi is an example of this provision, as also in a
less degree is that of Tauromena. This theatre has been said
to seat 12,000 spectators; according to my own rough computa-
tion, it unquestionably will hold over 9,000 without crowding.
$2 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF ASKLEPIOS.
X in Plate I represents part of the Stadium, which is about
six hundred feet long. Here are remains of at least fifteen rows
of marble seats. Probably foot races took place here as well as
other forms of athletic exercise. All the maps of the Hieron
represent the eastern end of the Stadium as semicircular, but
so far as one can judge, the latest excavations indicate that it
was square, and therefore I have so represented it.
Assuming that the fifteen rows of seats extended from end
to end on each side, and allowing a foot and a half for each
person, the Stadium would seat twelve thousand spectators on
its two sides without computing the seats at the ends.
Plate XVII represents the excavations at the end adjacent
to the Hieron. Kin Plate I (shown also in Plate XVII) is either
the starting - place or the goal. Z is a subterranean passage
communicating with the precinct.
An inscription (found in 1896) mentioned by Mr. Fraser, shows
that a hippodrome also existed at the Hieron.
On Mount Kynortion, some distance south of the great
theatre, stood the temple of the Maleatean Apollo. The remains
are so fragmentary that it is difficult to devise a conjectural
restoration.
l>l,\Tr. xvili.-l'oKiiai ot- liiMi
k
THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF ASKLEPIOS.
n. The AsKLEPiEioN at Athens.
Before saying anything about the ritual and the treatment
of the sick at the Hieron, it will be well to turn to the Asklepieion
at Athens, and examine briefly the structural arrangements there.
Situated on the south side of the Acropolis, at an elevation of
PLATE XX.— Remains of Asklepieion
perhaps eighty feet above the plain, adjoining on the east the
theatre of Dionysius, the locality was probably as healthy as
any the immediate neighbourhood of Athens could supply.
Plate XVIII represents the remains of the Stoa or Portico
of Eumenes (so called) lying to the south of the Acropolis. To
the extreme left is seen the Temple of the Nike Apteros and on
S4 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF
the summit o( the Acropolis the Parthenon. Between the Stoa
and the rock of the Acropoh's is situated tlie Asklepieion. The
accompanying outline plan, No. XIX, is an attempt to give
some idea of the arrangement of buildings within the precinct.
The buildings were to a certain extent an imitation, on a smaller
scale, and on a limited area, of those at the Hieron of Epidaurus.
Remains of what were probably a temple of Asklepios and
Hygeia, of Doric architecture, also a supposed temple of Themis,
PLATE XXI.-
aiul a sliiine of Isis, exist, while smaller shrines of Serapis,
Cure, lly|)iios, Herakles, Panaceia, Demeter, and other divinities
liavi; left no distinct traces. There are considerable remains of
a litr^ic uastern portico or abaton of Pentellic marble, from
which is reached a circular chamber in the rock containing the
Hacrcd well.
Plate XX represents the Asklepieion as seen from the
western end and Plate XXI from the east. The building
i
ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS.
ss
inscribed "western abaton" in Plan No. XIX may have been a
supplementary abaton or a priest's house or a covered gymnasium.
A grove existed, perhaps occupying the space between the Stoa
of Eumenes and the temples or situated in a lai^e vacant space
to the west.
On an elevation above and close to the abaton is a curious
well-like structure, surrounded by marble columns, which perhaps
was the serpent pit.
Plate No. XXII represents the remains of this curious and
mysterious structure. I have endeavoured to trace a direct
communication between this supposed snake pit and the Abaton,
but failed to do so.
The grove contained great numbers of statues, busts, ex-
votos, and inscriptions. The theatre of Dionysius close at hand
was doubtless frequented by the sick as a diversion. The stall
occupied by the priest, with his name on it, is still in excellent
56
THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF
preservation as seen in Plate XXIIl. He sat in the first rank,
with his back to the setting sun, next to the priest of the Muses.
The Panathenaic stadium, about half a mile away, doubtless
was also frequently visited by the convalescents from the
Asklepieion.
ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 5/
LECTURE II.
We now pass on to consider the ritual of the Asklepian shrines
and the accommodation and treatment of the sick who frequented
them.
It is convenient, first, to consider the Hierarchy. They con-
sisted of the Hiereus or Hierophant, the priest, who was the
head official. He was appointed annually, and he appears to
have been frequently re-elected. From the Athenian inscriptions
we know that sometimes he was a physician, sometimes not ; so
also it was with the subordinate officials. The priest was the
general administrator, and had a share in the financial govern-
ment of the temple. The Dadouchoi, or torch-bearers, were
probably subordinate priests ; the Pyrophoroi, or fire-carriers,
among other functions, lighted the sacred fire on the altars ; the
Nakoroi or Zakoroi, whose duties in the temple are doubtful,
but who sometimes were physicians ; the Kleidouchoi, or key-
bearers, who perhaps were originally a class of superior
door porters, but who appear later to have assumed priestly
functions; the Hieromnemones seem to have had purely secular
duties, and in common with the Hiereus had charge of all
receipts and payments ; all were under the rule of the Boule of
Epidaurus. The Kaniphoroi (or basket-bearers) and the Arre-
phoroi (or carriers of mysteries or holy things) were priestesses.
We read in some of the inscriptions of servants or attendants,
who ministered to the sick, and carried those who were unable
to walk. Did these women in any degree act as nurses? It is
possible, but no definite information on the subject is given.
There was also a special religious society termed the
Asklepiastes.
Turning now from the priests to the suppliants: these, we
find, came from all parts of the Greek world, and from what
ancient writers tell us, their numbers were great. Where were
they housed ? Some, of course, dwelt in the abaton, the women
S8 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF
probably in one part and the men in another, but, as I have
already pointed out, not more than 120 could find beds there
at a time; perhaps the invalid was only housed there at first,
and when he began to improve was drafted off to a hostel.
Assuming that all the buildings which I have suggested to be
hostels were such, they could not accommodate more than some
four or five hundred patients. Perhaps the usual number attending
may have been only some five or six hundred, while at the great
festivals many thousands assembled. Whether this large number
were lodged in tents or temporary wooden buildings is uncertain.
Probably multitudes of vigorous and able-bodied persons
came to the festivals, and many of them may have been lodged
six miles away at the town of Epidaurus, or in villages or
hamlets adjacent. The ten or twelve thousand who filled the
Theatre or the Stadium cannot have been exclusively sick people.
It seems probable that numbers of athletes and multitudes of
Greeks who merely wanted a holiday and a little excitement
came to the Megala Asklepeia as they came to the Isthmian
or the Olympic games. Setting aside, therefore, all visitors
of this class, who probably brought gains to the Sanctuary,
and for whom accordingly space was provided in the Theatre,
Stadium, and Hippodrome, I pass on to consider the suppliants
proper.
The patient on arriving probably had an interview with the
priest or other official, and arranged about his accommodation
with one of the Hieromnemones, or other secular person. He
performs certain rites, bathes in the sacred fountain, and offers
sacrifices under the direction of the Pyrophorus ; the poor man
gives his cake, the rich his sheep or pig, or goat. The votive
tablets frequently show the cakes {iroTrapa) being presented, or
sheep, pig, or other animal. Where the ceremonial purification
took place is uncertain. A deep well exists in the eastern
abaton. A stone dropped, struck the water in a fraction over
three seconds, as I found after repeated trials. The well is
therefore over 144 feet deep. Possibly the water used in the
ritual was derived hence, but perhaps the place of purification
has yet to be found. "Only pure souls may enter here," was
inscribed over the entrance of the Asklepian temple.
When night comes the sick man brings his bed clothing
into the abaton, and reposes on his pallet, putting usually some
small gift on the table or altar. The Nakoroi having come round
ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 59
to light the sacred lamps, the priest enters and recites the evening
prayers to the god, entreating divine help and divine enlighten-
ment for all the sick assembled there ; he then collects the gifts
which had been deposited on altars and tables ; later the Nakoroi
enter, put out the lights, enjoin silence, and command everyone
to fall asleep and to hope for guiding visions from the god. The
abaton was a lofty and airy sleeping chamber, its southern side
being an open colonnade. It is singularly like the * shelter
balcony,* or Liegenlialle^ now used in treating phthisis. This
provision of abundance of pure fresh air for the sick by day and
night, which is so beneficial now, was undoubtedly so then also,
and probably brought much credit to the god and his shrine.
According to the inscriptions the god frequently appeared in
person, or in visions, speaking to the sick man or woman con-
cerning their ailments. Whether these visitations were merely
hallucinations in individuals whose imaginations had been ex-
cited, or whether some priest in the dim light acted the part
of Asklepios ; whether the patient was put under the influence
of opium or some other drug provocative of dreams, or whether,
by some acoustic trick, the priests caused the sick to hear spoken
words which they attributed to the deity, it is difficult now to say.
In the accompanying sketch of the abaton a miracle is in
progress in the foreground. A lame man comes to the altar, he
offers his sacrifice, the Pyrophorus lights the sacred flame, the
Dadouchos or Nakoros enjoins silence while the holy serpent
licks the affected part. The abaton is nearly empty, as it is
the daytime, but one or two bedridden patients watch the miracle
with interest.
The valley of the Hieron was the habitat of a large yellow
serpent, perfectly harmless, and susceptible, like most snakes, of
domestication. I am afraid it is now extinct, though it has been
seen during the present century. A number of these creatures
dwelt in the sanctuary, perhaps in the vaults of the tholos. They
were reverenced as the incarnation of the god. The sick were
delighted and encouraged when one of these creatures approached
them ; and were in the habit of feeding them with cakes. The
serpents seem to have been trained to lick with their forked tongue
any ailing part. The dog also was sacred to Asklepios, and the
temple dogs in like manner were trained to lick any injured or
painful region of the body.
It will be remembered that in the " Plutus " of Aristophanes,
6o
THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF
the bl nd Plutus enters the abaton of the Asklep e on at Athens
n order to be cu ed Ask ep os w th h s daughte s laso and
Panace a, appea n person they wh stte to the sacred serpents
vh ch at once approach 1 ck the bl nd ejes and v s on s restored
PLATE XX V
ReSTORAT OK OF THE INTER OR OF THE I
PATtEN Sack sq and ha ng n ured leg
In the inscriptions the phrase uuraro tt} yXonrff^, referring to
the serpent, is common, and also in reference to the dogs " Kvim
T&v iapStv iBepdirivire rtj ^Xwo-tra."
ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 7 1
X^ipX Trjv irepi rSiv Kaiv&v wpij^eoDV la-
'7opi}]V i^veyxa €9 rov^'* EWrfPa^
o/cw^ Kol Si rjfikayv fjLavddpovrc^ oxo-
-aa SfjfLOKoirirj koi Kcp&ecov apL^erplcu)
KoX ardaie^ €fi<f>v\toi Kal 7rt<TTi(o{v)
KaTa\v(TL€^ y€vp&aip xaxa irapa (tJ)
prj<TU iradecav aWorpiaJV air€vdri(j(os:)
TToiexvrai Ta9 tov 0lov Siopdcoaia^"
English Version.
" Set up in stone by Epidauros see,
A peerless scribe of God-like history,
Philip, the son of Aristeidos, come
Unto this holy place from Pergamum :
War was too long the theme of Greece ; my pen
Shrilled to ensue a peace for mortal men.
» • • «
" All sorts of suffering and endless bloodshed having taken
place recently throughout Asia, Europe, the Libyan hordes, the
island cities, I publish to the Greek world, without breach of
trust, a * History of our own Times,' in order that my countrymen
may learn, by my means, what hosts of evils arise from political
charlatanry and financial greed, quarrels in a nation, and acts
of treachery, and so, by the recital of other people's miseries,
may, without pain or grief to themselves, put their own lives
in order, as occasions arise."
It is somewhat interesting to find the Boule of Epidaurus
thus honouring a historian, and at the same time warning the
Greek people against those political faults to which the nation was
specially prone.
A number of the later inscriptions are in honour of dis-
tinguished Romans.
There are numerous inscriptions referring to laws, or judicial
decrees. Others, again, refer to the contests of the Stadium,
while another and especially voluminous class relates to the
construction of the temples and other buildings. In addition
to the names of the architects and contractors, and the
sums paid, these records contain many interesting details, e.g.,
the statement that the pediment groups and acroteria on the
temple of Asklepios were cut in marble by Hektoridas and
02 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF
sacrifices there to the god of healing, or ascended Mount
Kynortion to the shrine of the great Apollo.
The suppliants spent the day in rest or exercise, as was most
agreeable to them. It must be remembered that the precinct
was as beautiful as the noblest works of Greek art could make
it ; moreover, lai^e and lofty trees formed a shady grove, pro-
tecting from the sun heat, while the soft breezes and the sweet
pure air of the mountains formed in themselves a potent agency
for the restoration of health. The patient had much around
PLATE XXVI.-ASKLEPIOS
- him to please and interest — beautiful buildings, rich with sculp-
ture and with colour, scores of statuary figures and groups
representing Asklepios and other divinities or subjects from the
old Greek mythology in marble and bronze.
Plate XXV represents a head of Asklepios (from the
Asklepieion at the Pirxus), to which the genius of the sculptor
has given an expression of sorrow and sympathy, as though the
god were grieving over the sufferings of mankind.
ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 63
Plate XXVI shows a full-length figure of the god, found
at Epidaurus, accompanied as usual by the serpent. Artistic
reliefs, busts, and full - length figures of noted priests and
physicians, ex-votos, stelx, and tablets recording the marvellous
cures effected by the god, coloured bas-reliefs, encaustic paintings,
shrines, exedrse, decorative vases and fountains, beautified and
added interest to the precinct.
Shelter-seats, arranged in semicircles, of beautiful white marble,
were so placed as to avoid sun or wind ; they were convenient for
converse, or for listening to a reader or a musician.
PLATE XXVII.— Shelter-seat.
Plates XXVII and XXVI 1 1 represent the remains of two
of these seats at the Hieron ; close to the former is seen a large
pedestal on which probably an equestrian statue formerly stood.
Many shrines and chapels to subsidiary deities existed, as,
for example, to Hygeia, Themis, the Egyptian Apollo, Helios,
Selene, Epione (the wife of Asklepios), Zeus, Poseidon, Minerva,
Hera, Demeter, and other Eleusinian deities, Dikaiosunae, Teles-
phorus, Lato, Hypnos, and others not as yet identified.
64 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF
Plate XXIX represents a number of small figures of Hygeia
and of Asklepios from the Hieron.
Every devout Greek who came as a suppliant to Asklepios
would find here also a shrine of his own favourite deity.
Those of the sick who were not too ill, would ascend the
hill of Kynortion to visit the temple of Apollo, or climb the
neighbouring hill of Titthion, sacred to the infancy of Asklepios.
Others would engage in the exercises of the gymnasium or the
stadium ; if unable to participate in these more active pursuits,
PLATE XXVIIl. -Shelter-seat.
they would become spectators of them. The plays in the theatre
would often make half a day pass pleasantly. We know that
both priest and patient went there constantly. Music, religious
dances, processions, and festivals would vary the interest and
occupations of the day. The studious man could occupy himself
with manuscripts from the library, and, reposing in the shelter-
seats, would dream over history, plays, or poetry. The solemn
rites of the temple, the sacrifices, the study of the multitudinous
ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS.
65
tablets would all tend to a calm arid hopeful condition of mind,
eminently helpful to recovery from slight forms of illness, even
though no direct medical treatment were pursued.
In earlier times it seems as though the health-restoring
influence of the shrines was thought to be wholly miraculous,
with but small aid or none from art ; the god alone achieved
all. The more ancient inscriptions contain childishly absurd reports
of miraculous cures.
The ruling idea was that the deity appeared to the sick
man in the abaton, applied some medicament, performed some
operation, or instructed the dreaming patient to perform some
act when he awoke. The frauds of the god or his priest were
so outrageous that some of the old Greeks must have been
almost as foolish and credulous as many moderns are, who
willingly buy soap or pills on no other warranty than the
advertisements of the lying and interested vendor.
On the walls of the eastern abaton were fixed two lai^e
stone tablets, bearing the title, " Cures by Apollo and Asklepios."
Most of the fragments of these tablets have been recovered,
S
66 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OK
pieced tt^ether, and deciphered by M. Stats and others. The
following are a few extracts : —
Line 72 of the first tablet in the abaton. — A man who had
only one eye is visited by the god in the atsiton during the
night The god appHes an ointment to the empty orbit Oh
awaking, the man finds he has two sound eyes.
Line 125.— Thyson of Hermione is blind of both eyes; a
temple dog licks the organs and he immediately regains his sight
PLATE XXX.— The Stcjni
PAKAL,V/KD HKRHOniL'S.
Line 107.— Hermodius of Lampsacus comes to the Hieron
in a paralyzed condition. As he sleeps in the abaton the god
tells him to rise, to walk outside the precinct, and carry back
into it the largest stone he can find. He does so, and brings
in a stone so heavy that no other man can lift it, and the
stone, as the inscription says, still lies before the abaton. It
lies there to-day, and the visitor may yet in vain emulate the
feat of Hermodius. It will be recognized in the illustration, Plate
XXX, by the hole cut in it to put the hands in.
ASKLEPIOS AT KPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 67
Line 113. — A man had his foot lacerated by the bite of
a wild beast ; he is in much pain ; the servants of the abaton
carry him outside during the daytime ; as he is waiting to be
healed a serpent follows him, licks his foot, and he is at once
cured.
Line 122. — Heraeeus of Mytilene has no hair on his head;
he asks the god to make it grow again. Asklepios applies an
ointment, and next morning the hair has grown thickly over
his scalp. (Unfortunately Asklepios forgot to write down the pre-
scription for the benefit of future sufferers from the same defect !)
At line 48 begins a story containing a moral which the priests
may have thought it desirable to impress upon their visitors : —
Pandarus comes all the way from Thessaly in order to have
a disfiguring eruption or branding mark on his forehead cured ;
he is quickly made well. Returning to Thessaly his cure is
observed by his neighbour Echedorus, who has a similar, but
slighter, eruption on the face. He also goes to Hieron, carrying
with him a sum of money sent to the god by the grateful
Pandarus. Echedorus decides to retain this money himself;
he consults the god about his own case, and in answer to
a question states that he has brought no gift from Pandarus.
On rising in the morning he finds that, instead of having his
skin disease cured, that of Pandarus has been added to it.
Line 96. — A man from Toronoea is so unfortunate as to have
a stepmother who is not fond of him ; she introduces a number
of leeches into the wine he drinks. Being of a confiding tem-
perament he swallows them unsuspectingly, but the results are
so serious that he is obliged to visit the god. Asklepios cuts
open his chest with a knife, removes the leeches, sews up the
chest again, and the patient returns home next day.
From other inscriptions we find that Asklepios treats drop.sy
surgically, in a heroic manner ; he first cuts off the patient's head,
then holds him up by the heels ; the fluid all runs out. He then
puts the patient's head on again, and all ends happily.
These, I think, are a sufficient sample of the preposterous
stories of cures which the god was reported to have performed
in early times.
It is quite clear that the liking which many men and women
have for the charlatan, and for deception, their appetites for the
marvellous and incredible in all medical matters, existed as
strongly among the Greeks as among ourselves, though the
6S THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF
superstitious beliefs and the ignorance of science prevailing in
those times rendered such folly more excusable than it is now.
In later times it seems clear that superstition and deception
had a less share, and art a larger one, in the work of healing at
Hieron. Probably among the acute citizens of Athens, at no
period were the frauds of the god so outrageous as in the early
times at Hieron. We find the priests prescribing many things
that were prudent and judicious ; plain and simple diet, hot
and cold baths, poulticing for certain chest ailments, and a variety
of medicaments — hemlock juice, hellebore, squills, lime-water, and
drugs for the allaying of pain — are incidentally mentioned. Water
was used extensively both internally and externally, active
gymnastic exercise, riding, friction of the skin, massage, and
counter-irritation.
The tablet of Apellas of Idria tells us that when visiting the
Hieron on account of frequent illness and severe indigestion, the
god or his priests ordered a diet of bread and curdled milk,
with parsley and lettuce, lemons boiled in water, also milk and
honey. Apellas being an irascible person, the god ordered
careful avoidance of the emotion of anger, and desired him to
run and swing in the gymnasium, and use vigorous friction and
counter-irritation to the surface of the body. Probably Apellas
was a wealthy and luxurious city-dweller, who took too much
food and Chian wine, and who suffered, as many in that age
did, from gout. He is eventually cured, and erects a tablet to
show his gratitude.
Here is the thanksgiving of another sufferer : " O blessed
Asklepios, God of Healing, it is thanks to thy skill that
Diophantes, relieved of his incurable and horrible gout, no
longer moves like a crab, no longer will walk upon thorns,
but has a sound foot as thou hast decreed."
There can be little doubt that many of the sick benefited
greatly by the rest, the pure air, the simple diet, the sources
of mental interest, the baths, exercise, massage, and friction,
and in later days by the actual medical treatment adopted.
Surgical treatment was also employed, for we find marble reliefs
of surgical instruments.
Not infrequently it would happen that persons with real
and incurable diseases came to Hieron and got worse, notwith-
standing their sacrifices and petitions to the god. How the
priests excused the impotency of their deity on these occasions
ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAUKUS AND ATHENS. 69
we do not know ; perhaps some lack of merit, purity, or sanctity
in the individual may have -been imputed. We know that in
some cases, the honour of Asklepios was saved by sending the
unfortunate invalid to some distant shrine ; but of course it
happened that in some instances the patient died. Now,
according to the religion of the Greeks, two events were
considered to desecrate in the most dreadful manner any
hallowed precinct — namely, birth and death ; neither of these
must occur within any sacred enclosure.
While there was probably much kindliness, humanity, and
real help for the sick at these shrines, and much actual benefit
resulted, notwithstanding the superstition on which all was based,
still, in this one respect, Greek tradition and ceremonial were a
cause of the most gross inhumanity. The unhappy visitant
whose vital powers were finally declining was received and
domiciled in the abaton, but when he failed to improve and was
seen by the priests and attendants to be obviously dying,
instead of being tenderly nursed and soothed, he was removed
from his couch, dragged across the precinct to the nearest gate,
expelled, and left to die on the hillside unhelped and untended.
Asklepios had rejected him, and no priests or minister of the
god must defile himself by any dealings with death. One cannot
but hope that the sympathy and humanity which exist naturally
in the hearts of most men and all women, found some means
of helping these unhappy beings, and that when death seemed
probable such sufferers were conveyed to a hostel outside the
precinct, and allowed to die in peace there. A like superstition
existed regarding birth. Many a poor woman, who was antici-
pating maternity and who had been hoping for relief from some
ordinary ailment, was suddenly and mercilessly expelled from
the precinct just when she needed help and comfort most.
Not until the time of the Antonines was any definite pro-
vision made for these two classes of sufferers. Either Antoninus
Pius or Marcus Aurelius erected a home for the dying, and a
sort of maternity hospital. Doubtless Some of the riiins dating
from the Roman period, which are at present unidentified,
subserved these two purposes.
Among the hundreds of inscriptions found I have thus far
only mentioned one class — namely, those referring to cures.
There are, in addition, no fewer than thirteen other kinds of
inscriptions ; for example, the great poem of Isyllos, describing
70
THE TEMl'LES AND RITUAL OF
the genealogy aTid miracles of Asklepios, written by command
of the oracle of Delphi. (The Delphic Sibyl had apparently a
great respect for the god of healing. On one occasion she
addresses him thus : " O thou who art born to be the World's
great joy — .")
Many of the inscriptions are in honour of individual priests,
Pyrophori, Hieromnemones, or of distinguished Greeks uncon-
nected with the sanctuaries ; for example, there was found in
association with a headless statue, the inscription shown below.
Plate XXXI. The upper four lines of the inscription are
in the Dorian dialect, the remainder in the Ionian. The former
is the dedication of the statue by the Epidaurians to a historian
previously unknown to the classical student, a certain Phillipos
of Pei^amus. The lower Ionic fragment is probably a quotation
(the only one known to exi.st) from his writings.
A learned Oxford friend, whose name I may not disclose, has,
with great kindness, edited this inscription for me, supplying the
lost words or letters and giving a translation, as follows : —
" dv$eTO fiev /*' 'EwiBavpoii ^ApioTei&ao ^ikfniiov
nep/ydfioBev Geia'i xotpavov laTopiav
ayKaloMf & "EWanes eirei iroXeftoypaiftoi', aiiSav
ixXayov aiifpimv KOOfiov hTep)(oti€vo<i.
-Xo^oviij? avii TC 7t)v 'Aaiiiii km t^ij Evpa-
-mfv Ka\ Tfl Ai0vtov idv^a Kai vr]ffion€wv
ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 7 1
X^^P^ ^h^ '^^pi T&V KCUvSiV 7rpt]^€(li>V la'
'ropu]p i^pejKa €9 tov^'' EWrfva^
OKw^ Kal Si ^fjiicov fiavddvovre^ oko^
'<ra Bfjfjio/coirirf /cai icepikcov afi^^erplai)
fcal ardaic^ €fM(f>v\ioi kuI 7naTL(t){v)
KaraXvaie^ yei/vataLV Kaxa irapa {rrj)
prjaeL vndiayv aWorpitov direvd^^reo^)
TToieccvTai tcl^ tov ^lov hiopOdxna^y
English Version.
" Set up in stone by Epidauros see,
A peerless scribe of God-like history,
Philip, the son of Aristeidos, come
Unto this holy place from Pergamum :
War was too long the theme of Greece ; my pen
Shrilled to ensue a peace for mortal men.
« ' • * *
** All sorts of suffering and endless bloodshed having taken
place recently throughout Asia, Europe, the Libyan hordes, the
island cities, I publish to the Greek world, without breach of
trust, a * History of our own Times,' in order that my countrymen
may learn, by my means, what hosts of evils arise from political
charlatanry and financial greed, quarrels in a nation, and acts
of treachery, and so, by the recital of other people's miseries,
may, without pain or grief to themselves, put their own lives
in order, as occasions arise."
It is somewhat interesting to find the Boule of Epidaurus
thus honouring a historian, and at the same time warning the
Greek people against those political faults to which the nation was
specially prone.
A number of the later inscriptions are in honour of dis-
tinguished Romans.
There are numerous inscriptions referring to laws, or judicial
decrees. Others, again, refer to the contests of the Stadium,
while another and especially voluminous class relates to the
construction of the temples and other buildings. In addition
to the names of the architects and contractors, and the
sums paid, these records contain many interesting details, e.g.,
the statement that the pediment groups and acroteria on the
temple of Asklepios were cut in marble by Hektoridas and
7i
THE TEMPLES ANU RITUAL OF
another artificer, from mcxiels designed by the great sculptor
Timotheus, the artist who, along with Scopas, designed the
Mausoleum of Hahcarnassus.
The minute details concerning the building of the tholos, the
amounts paid for marble and other materials, the names of
architects and contractors, the report of the commissioners who
inspected the work, and who formed a sort of lay building com-
mittee; their journeys to Athens, Corinth, Megara, and other
places in quest of material, workmen, etc., the exact sums
PLATE XXXII
expended on these journeys, and other details, are curious and
interesting. One can only regret that no hint is given of the
use and purpose of the building on which so much care and
thought were expended.
I might occupy much time in showing and describing the
scores of sculptured votive tablets which have been recovered. In
most, of course, the figure of Asklepios has been destroyed or
damaged by the iconoclastic zeal of the early Christian.
ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAUUUS AND ATHENS. 73
In Plate XXXII an almost uninjured example is shown.
A group of four suppliants with their children approach the god,
who leans on his staff with entwining serpent. Behind Asklepios
is seen the head of (probably) his wife Epione, then come
Machaon and Podalirius, his sons, then, probably, Hygeia,
Panaceia, and laso, his daughters. The whole Asklepian family
are of heroic stature.
Every fourth year a great festival was held at the Hieron, the
Megala Asklepieia, at which athletic contests, races, processions,
music, plays in the theatre, holy (perhaps also unholy !) vigils,
lasting all night, gorgeous rites, sacrifices, decoration of the
temples and precincts, together with feasts, took place. Most
probably the priests would arrange for the performance of
a few miracles. Other festivals were also held, as the Megala
Apolloneia.
On these occasions, if not at other times, doubtless every seat
in the theatre, stadium, and hippodrome would be filled, mostly
by sound and healthy visitors, coming, as I have suggested above,
partly to enjoy a holiday, partly to witness athletic exercises,
which interested them quite as much as important cricket, football,
or rowing contests interest us, and partly to do honour to the
god whose aid they might need when sickness or old age should
enfeeble them.
Lastly, there is a link which, though of no practical import,
is still a genuine historic bond connecting the Hieron of Epi-
daurus with the medicine of Western Europe. Three centuries B.C.
Rome was visited by dire pestilence. The rulers of Rome, having
in vain endeavoured to check it, sought the counsel of the Sibylline
books, and were directed to bring Asklepios to Rome from
Epidaurus. A galley was sent to the Saronic Gulf, and a mission
visited the Hieron, bringing back to the ship one of the sacred
serpents. The galley returned, entered the Tiber, approached
Rome, and as it touched the insula in the Tiber the sacred serpent
at once left the ship and found a refuge on the island. From that
moment the plague is said to have rapidly disappeared.
In gratitude to the god, who was thus visibly among them in
the serpent form, the south end of the island — perhaps, indeed, the
whole of the island — was modelled into the shape of a great galley
of hewn stone. A temple of -^sculapius (as the Romans called him)
was built adjacent to it, with portico and abaton. A well existing
there became sacred to ^Esculapius, and from that day to this the
74 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF ASKLEPIOS.
island in the Tiber has, through pagan and Christian times alike,
been devoted to the cure and treatment of the sick. The stern
of the stone galley still exists, with the effigy of the serpent and
remains of the image of ^sculapius. The Church of St. Bar-
tholomew stands on the site of the temple, and on, or near,
the spot where stood the ancient abaton now stands a hospital
served by the Brotherhood of San Juan de Dios, the benevolent
saint of Granada, where the sick folk of Rome are helped and
tended ; and there, unlike their predecessors of 2,200 years ago,
if illness should terminate in death the poor weary souls are
kindly and tenderly ministered to by priest, physician, and nurse,
until they sink into the last sleep.
It is doubtless in consequence of this episode of the founding
of a temple of ^sculapius on the island of the Tiber that the staff
and serpent of the Epidaurian god have been, and remain to
this day, the symbol of the profession of Medicine.
HTUDHS COMPOSTELLANES.i
IJEpoque et le milieu oh fut krit le Codex Calixtinus : — Les origines
(Vun atlte. — La carriere (fun archevique. —
Par V. H. Friedel, Lie. Litt, Ph.D.
IL y a plus de trente ans, mon illustre maitre, M. G. Paris,
ccrivit dans sa dissertation bien connue De Pseudo-Titrpino :
"sed ratus sum eas (scil. interpolationes Sandionysiacas)
in codicibus (scil. Turpini) deesse qui Compostellensem,
donum Aimerici Picaudi, directe exscripsissent, ut in illo Rivi-
pullensi, anno MCLXXIII exarato ; quern si quis inspexerit,
majorem lucem in has tenebras projicere poterit."
Je n'ai pas vu ce MS. de Ripoll qu'en 1 173 le moine Arnaldus
del Monte a transcrit pour son monastere ; mais j'ai eu entre les
mains Toriginal meme dont il a copie ce qu'il jugeait " agreable a la
devotion de ses superieurs et de ses freres envers le bienheureux
apotre et utile pour la propagation de son culte." L'extr^me
amabilite avec laquelle I'archiviste actuel de la cathedrale de Saint-
Jacques de Compostelle, le chanoine D. Antonio Lopez Ferreiro,
a mis a ma disposition ce fameux MS. connu sous le nom de
Codix Calixiinus^ m*a fait regretter de manquer de temps pour eh
faire une copie complete.
On peut considerer le Calixtinus comme un codex archetypus,
et c*est a juste titre que des critiques tres autorises se sont occup^s
de son origine et de son authenticity. A travers les nombreuses
* J'ai ecrit ces notes il y a bientOt deux ans, en Espagne, loin de tons les moyens de
reference ou de controle, comme preliminaires a des recherches plus speciales. Quand
I'annee derniere je suis retourne en Espagne pour y passer mes vacances, c'etait bien mon
intention de revoir la venerable cite de Saint-Jacques et d'y completer mes notes.
L'al>sence de D. A. Lopez P'erreiro et le deplorable etat sanitaire de la province
occasionne par les rapatricments precipites des soldats revenant malades de Cuba, hj'ont
fait remettre \ une autre occasion un nouveau voyage en Galice.
76 LTUDES COMPOSTELLANES.
reproductions ou le texte original apparait chaque fois de plus en
plus altere, et sur la foi de quelques rares extraits plus ou moins
directs, les savants ont conclu a une " pieuse supercherie religieuse."
Mais r^tude meme d'une supercherie peut avoir des charmes, surtout
quand il n*est pas facile de Tetablir nettement Dans Tespece, elle
est a la fois des plus interessantes et des plus importantes, puisqu*il
s*agit d'un document qui appartient tout entier ou peu s*en faut
aux premiers temps de notre moyen-age litteraire.
Uendroit, les circonstances et T^poque oh le Calixtinus a ete
compost ; le nom, la personne et la nationality de Tauteur ou des
auteurs ; les sources mises a contribution ; enfin sa valeur critique,
voila les questions principales que les savants ont essay e d'elucider,
la plupart d*entre eux en regrettant de n'avoir pas k leur
disposition le MS lui-meme. II serait a d^sirer que le Chapitre
de Saint-Jacques en h^t&t la publication integrale qu'il a projetee.
Je ne I'attendrai pas pour dire, a I'occasion, un mot sur le texte
du Pseudo-Turpin, qui en formait le 4® livre et qui est aujourd'hui
relie a part. Je I'ai collation^ avec celui que M. F. Castets
a cdit^ d*apres les MSS. de Montpellier,* et je Tai compart avec
differents autres MSS. que j'ai trouves dans les bibliotheques
d'Espagne. Pour Tinstant, je puis assurer a mon maitre que le
Pseudo-Turpin du Calixtinus contient bien /t^s interpolations
0 y/ saindyonisienncs qiCon rencontre dans les copies}
L'^lement hymnologique me semblait m^riter egalement une
dtude speciale. Je suis arriv^ a la conclusion que Tauteur du recueil
ou, du moins, du premier livre, dans lequel sont intercalees la plupart
des hymnes, etc., a cru bien faire en attribuant ces morceaux, tantot
recueillis tantot fabriques par lui-meme, a certains personnages
ecclesiastiques en vue ou de renom, qui sont presque tous des
Fr-an^ais. Pour la quality de cet auteur, pour son savoir, pour
son mode de travail, enfin pour Tepoque et le pays ou il vivait,
cette ^tude ne sera pas sans importance.
Je ne me suis pas arrete a I'examen des details de topographie
et de geographic, d'histoire et de legende, voire de linguistique
du cinquieme et dernier livre, qui contient Titineraire des
* ** Publications speciales de la Societe pour I'Etude des Langues Romanes,
No. vii : Turpini Elistoria Karoli Magni, etc." Montpellier, au bureau de la Societe,
etc., 1880,
^ Mes etudes sur le texte du Pseudo-Turpin et sur Telement hymnologique du
Calixtinus sont pretes et paraitront prochainement.
i
ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 77
pelerins venant a Compostelle par la voie de terre.^ De meme
je n'ai pu m'occuper, jusqu'ici, des details paraissant historiques
que j'ai recueillis dans le livre des miracles (1. li®) ; je dirai
seulement qu'a juger d'apres les noms, les localit^s,,les circonstances,
etc., c*est encore la France qui y a contribu^ le plus a la glorification
de Tapotre.
Chacune de ces etudes partielles nous aidera a rdpondre a la
question capitale sur Torigine du Calixtinus. II y a pourtant
deux points que Ton peut examiner independamment et d*une
fagon gdnerale : F^poque et le milien oil il a paru ; je crois utile de
faire ou plutot de refaire cette ^tude pr<51iminaire, afin de bien
degager le probleme principal.
Je designe par " Calixtinus " le volume tel qu'il etait jusqu*au
commencement du xvii^ siecle, contenant :
1. Merits par une belle main du xii*^ siecle (premiere moitid?)
cinq ''codices',' en tout 139 + 16 + 7 + 29 + 22 folios
formant le corps du MS. ;
2. ecrits par differentes mains du meme siecle (deuxieme
moitid), des " additamenta " dont nous aurons a nous
occuper a part.
En 1 61 9 D. Alonso Rodriguez Leon, alors chanoine-archiviste
de Saint - Jacques, prit la peine de le lire. Suivant, dit-on,
Tappreciation du fameux Morales, il separa du corps du MS. le
quatrieme codex comme indigyie. Ce quatrieme livre (fol. 163™ sq.)
est VHistoire de Charlemagne attribut^e a Varchevcque Titrpin. Les
deux volumes ont ii& relics ^ s^parement, mais de la meme
maniere, et c*est dans cette forme que le Calixtinus figure a I'heure
actuelle aux archives de la cathedrale de Compostelle ; cela
explique en quelque sorte comment le Pseudo-Turpin du Calixtinus
a pu echapper au P. Fidel Fita en 1880. En le s^parant du
corps du MS., Alonso Rodriguez Le6n n*a pu enlever les
vignettes, — les seules d'ailleurs du MS. entier qui servent a
illustrer le texte, — qui se trouvent Tune dans le bas du fol. i62*"o,
dernier feuillet du livre prdcddent (apparition de St. Jacques a
Charlemagne), et les deux autres sur le verso du mdme fol. (depart
* Je savais que ce livre avait ^t^ public par les soins du P. Fidel Fita et M. J. Vinson,
k Paris, 18S2, chez Maisonneuve, sous le titre peu exact : ** Le Codex de Saint-Jacques-
de- Compostelle (Liber de Miraculis S. Jacobi)."
^ Les feuillets mesurent aujourd'hui 29*5 x aO'8-2i cm.
78 ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES.
de Tarmee, cavaliers et fantassins, pour TEspagne).* La premiere
page de ce livre est couverte presque en entier par la magnifique
initiale romane T> ^ laquelle un autre scribe Cjjp lecteur a ajout6
\urpim4s Domini gratia arcliiepiscopus\ tandis que la premiere main,
laissant le nom au rubricateur, mais rien que le nom et la seule
apposition " archiepiscopus," avait commencd le texte ainsi sur les
deux lignes du bas : Ranensis ac sedulus karoli inagni imptratoris
in yspania consocius : leoprando decano aquisgi'anensi salutem in
christo. Enfin, k la place de I'ancien titre qui est grattt^, on lit
aujourd*hui : His!oria Turpini,
Dans le gros volume qui restait, quelqu'un^ a num^rot^ les
pages et les chapitres, dessine des petites initiales, trace des sous-
titres. Le premier scribe n*ayant pas donn^ de titre au codex ou
livre i®*", un autre y a plac<^ ce distique assez mal tourne : —
EX RE SIG NATVR
lA CO BVS LIBER ISTE VOCATr
IPSVM SCRI BEN TI
SIT GLORIA SITQ; LEGENTI
qui est suivi de : Incipit episiula bead Calixti pnpe \ on lit au
verso du fol. 2, apres les mots de la fin de cette lettre par laquelle
le compilateur place le recueil sous le nom de Calixte : Valete
omnes in domino, data latcrani, Idus Januarii.
INCIPIVNT CAPITVLA HVIVS LIBRI.
Ces chapitres sont au nombre de XXXI ; ces sont des
pan^gyriques de Saint Jacques, accompagnes d'offices, de
messes, de hymnes avec musique en son honneur, — en un mot, le
* Reproduites dans les ** Recuerdos de un viaje \ Santiago de Galicia," par le
P. Eidel Fila y Colomeet D. Aureliano Fernandez-Giierra, Madrid, i83o, p. 52. Le fait
que cette histoire seule a re9U des illustrations n'est pas sans interet. Conime miniatures
on peut encore citer la grande initiale Cdu debut, renfermant la figure assise de Calixte II
ecrivant (reproduite par le P. F. Fita, p. 48 de I'ouvrage cite), et I'image de 1 apotre que
D. A. Lopez Ferreiro a Tintention d'inserer dans son grand ouvrage sur I'p^glise Com-
postellane. (Le tome i*^"" de cette Historia de la Santa A.M. Iglesia de Santiago a paru
Pannee derniere k Saint-Jacques; la miniature en question s'y trouve k la page 329.)
Voilk, avec quelques autres initiales moins grandes, sobres de couleurs, mais d'un dessin
remarquable, toute Pornementation artistique du volume.
^ Ce quehjiCtin pourrait bien etre A. Rodriguez Leon. Je ne crois pas, cependant,
que ce fut lui Pautcur de toutes les additions dont il va 6tre question, telles que les
litres generaux et certaines suscriptions. Ce qui est siir, c'est que celles-ci n'existaient
pas en 1 173, quand Arnaldus del Monte a copie le volume. Voy. pp. 81 et 84.
ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 79
culte de Tapotre selon les autorites, Bede, Leon et autres docteurs
de TEglise. C'est a peine si Ton y trouve quelque chose qui soit
nettement espagnol. Le livre ^' Jacobus^ ainsi nomm^ selon le
contenu^^ est le plus considerable du recueil ; il se termine au
fol. 139^0 par: FINIT COD]^ PRIMVS. IPSVM SCRIBENTI
SIT GLORIA SITQ; LEGENTI ; vient ensuite: INCIPIT
LIBER II S' lACOBI ZEBEDEI PATRONI GALLECIE^
DE XXII ob; MIRACVLIS EIVS ARGVMENTVM BEATI
CALIXTI PAPE.
Sur les vingt-deux recits de miracles ou *' exemples " que
contient ce livre, dix-huit sont attribues a Calixte II, presque
toujours par la formule a Calixto . . conscripUim (4 fois edituni) ;
le deuxieme est conscriptum a beato Beda presbiteto et doctore^ le
quatri^me a magisiro huberto piissimo bisuntine ecclesie sancte marie
magdalene canonico ; le seizieme et le dix-septieme sont a sancto
afisehtio cantuarensi archiepiscopo edita. La plupart de ces miracles
sont datds ; en voici Tordre et la chronologie :
II, temporibus beati Theodomiri Compostelanensis episcopi
(espagnol?); Ill, MCVIII ; V, MLXXX ; VI, MC ; VII, MCI;
VIII, MCII ; IX, MClli; X, MCIIII; XI, MCV ; XII, MCVI ;
XIII, MCXXXV; XIIII, MCVII ; XV, MCX ; XVIII, nuper comes
de Sancto Egidio nomine Poncius etc. (espagnol?); XXII, MC.
Les autres portent I'indication nostra tempore ou nuper^ et les
miracles racontes sont faits en faveur de quelques grands per-
sonnages que Ton doit arriver a reconnaitr^ aisement. Ce livre
m^rite un examen particulierement minutieux ci cause de
son importance pour Thistoire du recueil. Je me borne ici
a. quelques remarques generales que je juge necessaires pour
mes conclusions. A part les deux premiers, ces miracles sont
assignes chronologiquement k Tepiscopat de Diego Gelmirez,
surtout aux premieres annees (i 100- 11 10); Ik Tordre continu
est legerement derange et on pourrait supposer que certains des
miracles Strangers decoulent d'un recueil . anterieur. Quoi qu'il
en soit, Tarrangement tel qu'il est a ete fait ou a Compostelle
ou par quelqu*un qui etait tres au courant des affaires de Saint-
Jacques dans la premiere moitie du xii® si^cle. La date la plus
recente est 11 35; vers la fin le compilateur continue par nuper
et par nostro tempore ; il indique ainsi qu*il a compose ce ii® livre
* Ces litres sont done anterieurs 4 la reconnaissance de St. Jacques comme patron
d'Espagne.
So ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES.
quelque temps apres cette date. II est plus que probable qu'il
y a travaille sous le pontificat d'Innocent II, maisyi? ne crois pas
que le recueil entier fAt termini au moment de la mart de ce pape^
en 1 143.
Pour Arnaldus del Monte, le moine de Ripoll qui vint a
Saint-Jacques en 1173, ces miracles ou predomine I'eldment
etranger etaient si nouveaux qu*il les a tous copies. II en a m^me
ajoute deux autres ; ainsi son xxiii® est un recit date de 1139* et
attribue a Tabbe Alberic, sous-prieur de Cluny, Prieur de St. Martin-
des-Champs, Abbe de Vezelai, cardinal-eVeque d'Ostia (3 Avril,
1 1 38). Ce miracle n'appartient pas au corps du Calixtinns, et c'est
a tort que MM. Robert, Delisle, et Dreves — qui a, cependant, vu
le Calixtirius — ont cru pouvoir tirer de la date ct de I'attribution
des conclusions au sujet du recueil entier. . C'est un additamentum
que le moine de Ripoll a pris la ou il se trouvc encore aujourd'hui,
c'est a dire a la fin du Calixtinus, faisant suite immediatement
alafameuse authentification du recueil pretee a Innocent II etdont
nous parlerons tout a I'heure. Cc qui est a remarquer, c'est que
le nom de ce m^me Alberic a ete ajoute aux signatures du
document qui precede par une main differente de celle qui a trace
les noms des sept autres signataires. Or, comme dans toutes les
copies de cet acte qui proviennent de celle d' Arnaldus, le nom
d'Alberic figure en tete des signataires, il nous est pcrmis de
deviner ce qui s'est produit. Dans Tauthentification sont nommes
un . Otiverus de Iscani villa Sanifce r Mance Magdahnts de
Vizlltaco et sa compagne comme ayant donnt^ le recueil a
Saint-Jacques. Immediatement apres ce document vient un
miracle opere par St. Jacques en faveur d'un nomme Br anus de
Viz ilia CO villa Sanctce Mar ice Magdalence ct raconte par AlbM€^
qui fut abbe de V^zclai avant 1 138. Que ce prelat, connu
sans doute a Compostelle, edt ete vraiment pour quelque chose
dans la donation du Calixtinus par son compatriote et qu*on
en edit garde le souvenir a Compostelle, ou bien qu'il ny ait
la qu'une conjecture, Taddition ulterieure de son nom aux
signatures d'un document qui se rapporte au recueil s'explique :
lorsqu*Arnaldus se mit a transcrire le recit d'Alberic, on a dii
lui faire entendre I'autorite de ce personnage pour le recueil,
et lorsqu'il copie I'authentification elle-m^me, il place Alberic
en tete des signataires.
* Dans plusieurs copies posterieures, la date de ce miracle varie entre 1137. et 1140.
ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 8 1
•
Si ce detail particulier aux copies qui remontent a celle de
Ripoll n'a pas d'autre origine, et si c*est par les soins d'un
pretre de Compostelle, qui aidait Arnaldus pendant son travail,
qu'Alberic devint un des signataires de la lettre d* Innocent II,
il est perrais de conclure qu'on en savait plus long a Compostelle,
en 1 173, sur \arrivee du Calixtinus : il n'y avait pas trop longtemps
que les pieux pelerins dont on se rappelait les noms I'avaient
offert a Tapdtre. En le remettant a I'eveque de Saint-Jacques, ils
ont dii mentionnerqu' Innocent II avait approuve Tidee de ce travail,
peut-^tre quand I'auteur etait venu a Rome en quete de docu-
ments. Or, puisqu'on a ete oblige de refaire d'apres des souvenirs
une authentification officielle telle que ce pontife est suppose I'avoir
promise, il est certain que le recueil ne fut pas acheve avant 1143,
date de sa mort. Nous savons, en outre, qu*en 1135 le ii^ livre
n'etait pas termine — si toutefois il etait commence — , que Tauteur,
bon scribe et intelligent travailleur, a reuni dans cet ouvrage une
serie d'histoires qu'il a A\X recueillir un peu partout — si Tidee d*un
semblable recueil est bien de lui, et puisque le Calixtinus n'est pas
la copie pure et simple d'un recueil perdu — , et qu'il a d\X les
mettre d*accord avec des traditions revues a Compostelle. U^poque
de la composition comprend done sArement les ann^es de \\/\o jusqu-
apres 1 143. Ce n'est pas ici le lieu de discuter si ce fut Aimeri
Picaud qui entreprit ce travail. Quant a Arnaldus, nous aurons
plus loin Toccasion de lentendre sur le Calixtinus en general ;
notons ici qu'il a ajoute a sa copie des miracles un xxiv® (sur la
punition de gens qui ont travaille le jour de la fete de Tapdtre)
et la passion de St. Eutrope qu'il a trouvee dans le v® livre du
Calixtinus.
Le ttoisieme livre ou codex contient : I. Translatio magna
S*Jacobi, avec un prologue de Calixte ; 1 1. Epistula Beati Leonis pape ;
III. De tribns festivitatibui S^ Jacobi etde processione Aldefonsi regis.
Le codex quart us (avant 16 19 quintus) est le fameux guide
des pelerins en xi chapitres, dont le i*"" traite de itiis S* Jacobi
et le xi^ dc peregrinis S' Jacobi digne recipiendis, A cause des
details topograph iques qu'elle contient, cette partie est Targument
le plus souvent invoque en faveur de la nationalite espagnole de
I'auteur du recueil. Elle se termine au verso du fol. 184 par un
EXPLICIT CODEX QVARTVS S^ lACOBI APOSTOLI,
en majuscules rouges de la main de Rodriguez Leon. Je considere
comme plus ancienne, mais egalement post^rieure au texte, la
suscription en majuscules rouges, vertes, bleues, et brunes :
6
i
82 Etudes comi'ostellanes.
HUNC CODICEM PRIUS ECCLESIA ROMANA
DILIGENTER SUSCEPIT SCRIBITUR ENIM
IN COMPLURIBUS LOCIS IN ROMA
SCILICET ET IN HIEROSOLIMITANIS HORIS
IN GALLIA, IN YTALIA, IN THEUTONICA,
ET IN FRISIA ET PRECIPUE APUD CLUNIACUM.
Cette indication naTvement critique de la provenance des
mat^riaux du recueil ne peut tromper personne. Ce qui est
curieux, c'est qu'elle en accuse franchement I'origine »5tran[fure, sajis
faire la moindre allusion a I'Espagne, On comprend ais^ment
que son auteur I'a tir«5e uniquement de Ja lecture du volume. Quoi
qu'il en soit, k I'examen elle apparait exacte dans ses generalites.
De la nous arrivons aux " additamenla" morceaux Hturgiqucs
avec musique, visions et miracles en vers et en prose, etc. dont
nous aurons a faire une etude k part. La seule piece qu'il nous
faut rappeler ici, parce qu'elle est n^cessaire pour comprendre le
but du present article, est !a fameuse " authentification,"
On connait cette lettre d'Innocent II, ajout^e au codex
Calixtinus, sQrement au xii* siecle, dans le but de donner au
receuil entier un caractere authentique. Elle a ete souvent repro-
duite et longuement discut^e par des savants tels que Le Clerc,
G. Paris, Dozy, Fidel Fita, L. DelisJe, Dreves, etc. comme ^tant
le .seul t^moignage direct de I'origine du recueil. En voici, pour
m^moire, le passage principal d'apres le MS. de Compostelle :—
" Hunc codicem (scil. CaJixtinum) a domno papa Calixto primitus
editum, quern Pictavensis Aymericus Picaudus de Partiniaco Veteri,
qui etiam Oliverus de Iscani villa sanctae Mariae Magdalenae de
Viziliaco dicitur, et Girberga Flandrensis socia ejus pro animarum
suarum redemptione sancto Jacobo Gallecianensi dederunt, verbis
veracissimum, actione pulcherrimum, ab haeretica et apocrypha
pravitate alienum et inter ecclesiasticos codices authenticum et
carum fore auctoritas nostra vobis testificatur, excommunicans et
anathematizans .... illos qui ejus lalores in itinere Sancti
Jacobi forte inquietaverint vel qui ab ejusdem apostoli basilica,
postquam ibi oblatus fuerit, injuste ilium abstulerint vel fraudaverint."
Le caractere apocryphe de cet additamentum est tellement
apparent et a et^ si amplement releve que je ne m'y arr^terai pas ; '
I Voyei surlout L. Delisle, Nole aur le recueil inlilulc de Miiaculis Sancti Jacobi,
Caliinst hist. <le M. Robert, 1878, el Fidel Fita, Recucrdos, etc., p. 41. En citant le
le^le, nous en avons legiieiticnt madifie rortliograplie.
Etudes compostellanes. 83
mais les Elements n'en demeurent pas moins importants, ainsi
que nous Tavons deja fait pr^voir. Ajoutons que les cardinaux
dont les signatures — non autographes — figurent au bas de ce
document sont tous des cardinaux du temps d'Innocent II;
leur liste nous fournit comme date au^deld de laquelle on ne pent
remonter r annexe 1 138. A cette epoque, on parait avoir ignore
a Compostelle jusqu'au projet d'un ouvrage tel que le Calixtinus.
Dans le cinquieme et dernier livre, il est tenu compte de faits —
transfert de la dignite de la m^tropole de Merida a Compostelle ;
reglement, nombre, etc. des chanoines — qui sont relates dans
I'Historia Compostellana. Cette histoire va jusqu*en 11 39; Tauteur,
du moins de la plus grande partie, est un Fran^ais, Giraud (de
Beauvais?); son travail n'est, en realite, qu'un r^cit detaille des
efforts de son ami et patron, Tarcheveque Diego Gelmirez, pour
"lancer" le culte de Saint Jacques. Meme si ce n'etait pas un
Fran^ais qui a compose le Calixtinus — le contraire est plus que
probable — , comment expliquer autrement que Giraud n'en a rien su ?
L'id^e et Tex^cution sont done posterieures a 1 1 39, du moins
par rapport a Compostelle ; mais I'authentification etant apocryphe,
on ne saurait affirmer que I'ann^e de la mort d'Innocent, 1 143,
soit un terminus ante quem. Nous avons deja dit ce qu'il faut
penser de cette hypothese. D'autre part, les apparences sont fortes
pour que le recueil fiit apport^ a Compostelle du vivant de Diego,
Malheureusement nous ignorons Tannee de sa mort. Comme
I'authentification n'est pas adress^e a lui nommement, mais aux
donateurs ou au Chapitre, on n'en peut rien conclure quant a Diego.
Arnaldus, le moine de Ripoll deja mentionn^, a accompagn^
sa copie d'une lettre qui ne laisse aucun doute que son modele
etait bien notre MS. en cinq livres, qu'il designe, faute de titre
precis, " de iniracnlis apostoli praehbati!' * On peut meme dire
qu'il I'a vu tel qu'il existe aujourd'hui, c'est a dire ;//^///.y .certains
litres, mais avcc plusieurs des additamenta. Depuis quelque temps
deja, un autel avait ete consacre a St. Jacques dans la basilique
de Ripoll, afin^ dit-il, de propager ramour divin et la v^n^ratioii
dAs au sublime apotre, Pousse par la devotion, autrement dit
par le desir d'apprendre de nouveaux miracles, autant que par le
repentir de ses peches, Arnaldus demande et obtient la per-
mission de ses superieurs de faire le pieux pelerinage. Arrive
a Compostelle, il s'informe et il trouve un volume ''' quiuque libfos
^ Voyez M. L. Delisle dans I'article cite du Cab. hist, de M. Robert, 1878.
L
84 KTL'DES COM I'OST ELLA NES.
continens, ife miracitlts apostoli prelibati quibus in diversis mundi
parlibiis spUiidescit et de scriplis san:toruni paltum, Augustini
videlicet, Ambrosii, Hieronymi, Leonis, Maximl, et Bede.
Continebantur in eodem volumine scripta alionim quorumdam
sanctorum in festivitatibus predicti apostoli et ad laudem illius
per totum annum legenda cum resfionsoriis, antiphonis, pre-
fationibus et omtionibus ad idem pertinentibus quam plurimis."
C'est te contenu du premier livre, sous la designation approxima-
tive "de miraculis" que le pelerln repete telle que sans doute
quelque prStre de la cathedrale la lui a donnee comme titre du
recueil entier. Quiconque a visite les couvents et les cath^drales
de I'Espagne de nos jours, a pu recevoir du "p^re-bibliothecaire"
ou trouver dans " linventaire des manuscrits " de semblables
renseignements. Amaldus n'a done pas vu I'en-t^te " Ex re
signatur, Jacobus iste liber vocatur." Presse par le temps,
il ne copie que les livres ii, iii et iv, " in quibus integre
vtiracula continentur, atque traiislatio ap.-^stoli ab Hierosotymis
ad Hispanias, et quahter Karoliis Magnus doinuerit et sub-
Jiigaverit jugo Christi Hispantus." Les frais de tout transcrire,
dit-il, auraient ete trop considerables. Cela peut etre la
raison pourquoi il se contente d'analyser, chapitre par chapitre,
le livre V ; mais etait-ce a cause du manque de temps et
d'argent qu'il n'a recueilH dans son volume que pauca de dictis
Calixti scciindt . . . . de primj libro ? ou bien lui a-t-on
conssille, a Compostelle meme, de ne pas trop prendre dans ce
livre, qui, tout en ^tant le plus considerable par I'etendue,
est aussi le plus discutabie quant a son authenticite ? et qui a dii
paraitre tel au clerge de Saint- Jacques? Cela indiquerait qu'en
1173 le recueil ne s'etait pas encore trouve assez longtemps a la
cathedrale pour etre officiellement reconnu et pour ^tre montre
a tous ■ les pelerins, malgre la precaution qu'on avait prise
de I'authentiquer. Cet additamentum, Amaldus I'a vu : "quid
autem legendum sit in eccksia sive in refeclorio ... .
ex epistola Domini Calixti, divae memoriae Romani pontificis,
nulli fidelium contemnenda praebetur auctoritas, qui et praedictum
volumen inter authenticos codices in ccclesia legendum apostoHci
ciilininis sententia sanctire curavit venerando Innocenlio Ecdesiae
Roinanae scripturam postea roborante." Arnaldus del Monte a
ccrit cela en 1173. Qu'il ait vu cet acte sur le meme feuillet
que j'ai eu entre les mains ou I'original apocryphe, comme
sciiible le croire le P. Fidel Fita, cela importe peu pour fixer le
iTUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 8$
moment oh existait le MS. avec lequel on le conservait. Sa lettre
montre en plus, ce que Tauthentification ne dit pas, qu'on devait
le lire au r^fectoire ou a V/glise. Etait-ce une reserve de la part
de Tarcheveque ? Bref, quoique Arnaldus ne dise pas que le recueil
se trouvait depuis longtemps d^ja a la cathedrale de Compos-
telle, il y a certaines raisons pour croire qu'il n'en dtait pas
ainsi. En transcrivant le volume en question, lui, Arnaldus, veut
enrichir son ^glise d'un* tresor de tant et de si excellents
miracles encore incomius chez cux a Ripoll : "desiderans ampliori
miraculonim beati Jacobi quibus tamdiu caruerat uberiaie
ecclesiam nostram ditari." Non seulement ce copiste nalff et
v^ridique affirme ainsi Torigine ultra -pyrdneenne des miracles
et du recueil, mais il le place en pleine epoque de la propaga-
tion du culte de Saint Jacques par Compostelle en Espagne meme.
U&me de ce mouvement ^tait Diego Gelmirez, et il est difficile
de croire qu'apres les 39 annees d*efforts que nous connaissons
et ou il n'est pas question d'une glorification de Tapdtre par un
livre, ce pr^lat ait passe les derniers moments de son regne sans
continuer sa propagande ambitieuse et enthousiaste. Nous le
verrons, tout k I'heure, habile k rechercher et plus habile
encore a exploiter I'amiti^ des papes. Or, Innocent II lui
voulait du bien. L'auteur de Tauthentification a dO connaitre
cette circonstance ; il a dO savoir, ce que nous pouvons conclure
seulement, que les successeurs d'Innocent II 6taient moins
favorables aux visdes ambitieuses et, en general, a I'archev^ch^ de
Compostelle. Ajoutons a cela qu'il cite comme donateurs (et comme
auteur?) du Calixtinus des personnages que nous ne connaissons
point, mais que lui semble avoir entendu nommer ; rappelons-nous
que la lettre d'Innocent II est faite de souvenirs qui ont beaucoup
de chance d'etre exacts; laissons enfin au recueil lui-m^me le
caractere plut6t officieux qu'officiel, si j*ose dire ainsi, que les
autorit^s de Compostelle lui ont donne en le recevant : tout nous
engage k ne pas trop Eloigner rauihentification de la donation. En
acceptant celle-ci, le Chapitre de Saint - Jacques n*en a pas pris
acte formellement. Uauthientification de cet ex-voto important
devenue ou paraissant n^cessaire dans la suite, il a 6te facile de
la fabriquer, grice aux souvenirs qu'on avait gardes des donateurs
a Compostelle. Nous ferons done bien de nous y tenir aussi,
faute de mieux, et de placer rarriv^e du recueil d la cathedrale de
Saint-Jacques plus pres de la fin du regne d'Innocent II que de la
visite d' Arnaldus del Monte, c'est a dire plus pres de 1 143 que de
86 Etudes compostellanes.
II73» entre 1 143 ^/ 1152. II a et^ acheve, selon toute probabilite,
vers 1 145 ; quant a l' authentification^ je la crais postMeure non
seulement a la mort de Diego Gelmirez, mais postMeure egalement
ct la pMode troubUe qui se termine en 1152 et sur laquelle nous
n'avons pas la moindre information directe. Vouloir preciser
d*avantage et s'arreter aux annees avant la mort d'Innocent, entre
1 140 et 1 143, ce serait, i mon avis, montrer une foi excessive
en un document apocryphe.
L'essentiel c'est de pouvoir affirmer que Videe du recueil et
la mise en execution appariienneni, com me toutes les creations
notables de T^glise de Compostelle, a la grande 6poque de
I'organisation definitive du culte de Tapdtre, c*est a dire, au regne
de Don Diego Gelmirez,
L'histoire de ce regne nous serait inconnue sans la fameuse
Historia Compostellana,^ ecrite sur Tordre de Diego par
trois de ses chanoines dont le dernier, Girard ou plutot Giraud,
qui est Tauteur de la plus grande partie, ^tait un Frangais (de
Beauvais ?).
Sans doute on ferait fausse route, si Ton admettait sans reserves
tout ce que nous rapportent ces historiographes attitres et int^ress^s,
mais pour peu qu'on sache lire entre les lignes, la figure de Don
Diego demeure grande, forte et admirable : St, Jacques patron
d^Espagne voilJi Toeuvre commenc^e il y a sept siecles par ce
champion de I'Eglise Romaine en Galice. Nous ne pouvons ici
retracer sa carriere comme il le meriterait ; nous devons nous
borner k relever dans leur suite les faits qui peuvent jeter un peu
de lumifere sur I'origine d'un livre tel que le Calixtinus., Ne nous
attendons pas k trouver dans THistoria Compostellana une mention
de notre recueil; elle s'arr^te en 11 39 et le Calixtinus n'existait
pas encore ; mdme si Diego n'avait eu alors que Tidee de le faire
r<5diger k Compostelle, on peut dtre certain que Giraud en
aurait parl6.
Rien de plus int^ressant que la fa^on naive dont Giraud
raconte les efforts de son maitre et ami, Don Diego Gelmirez,
pour r^l<5vation " ad sublimandum " du culte de St. Jacques. Le
corps de I'apdtre, jet6 aux chiens k Jerusalem, fut sauvd par
quelques disciples et, selon la Idgende, apporte sur les cotes
* Je me suis servi de T^d. de Flores, Espana sagrada, vol. xx. Dans le tome xix
du meme ouvrage, le P. Flores donne une Histoire de Compostelle jusqu'en 1 139 d'apres
la ni^me source*
J
ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 8/
septentrionales d'Espagne. Averti par une vision, leveque
d'Jria Flavia, Theodomirus, retrouve la sepulture humble et
ignoree ; avec " I'autorite de beaucoup d'eveques, de fideles et
d'hommes nobles et avec le privilege du roi" Alphonse dit le
Vaillant, il transporte le siege de son eveche a Compostelle : " Hoc
autem sub tempore Karoli Magni factum fuisse innUis referentibus
audivimusr ^ Ce furent les origines de la metropole d'Espagne.
Les premiers eveques n'etaient pas prdcis^ment des modeles de
bons pasteurs. " Episcopus S. Jacobi baculus et balista " disait
un proverbe de Galice. Le clerge, comme d'ailleurs I'Espagne
entiere, etait inculte et illettre, " rudes et imperiti, rudis et illitterata."
L'autorit^ du Souverain Pontife, represent^ canoniquement par
I'archeveque de Tolede, avait cess^ d'etre effective dans un pays
que les querelles sans treve des potentats et Tinvasion des Maures
avaient jete dans une demoralisation profonde. Dans les monts de
la Galice on n'en avait m^me pas conserve le respect. Quand un
cardinal romain vint en Espagne pour s'informer de T^tat de la
religion et de la condition de ses ministres, et qu'il exigea de
Teveque de Compostelle les honneurs dQs a sa dignite, celui-ci
fit venir un de ses tresoriers et lui dit : "II y a la un cardinal
de TEglise de Rome, va le recevoir ici comme il t'a recu toi-meme
a Rome." Au Saint-Siege on n'oublia pas, dans la suite, cette
declaration d'insoumission.
Le roi Alphonse et son gendre, le comte Raymond de
Bourgogne, y mirent un peu d'ordre. L'^vdque Diego Pelaez,
suspect de s'etre entendu avec le roi des Anglais et avec les
Normands^ pour arracher la Galice au roi legitime, fut destitu^
et incarcere en 1088; a sa place le roi fit elire D. Pedro (II),
abb^ de Cardefia. Le pape Urbain II refusa de sanctionner les
procedes du roi, et Don Pedro se retira deux ans apres son
election. Un interregne qui dura de 11 90 a 1193 finit par
desorganiser completement I'eveche. Le roi en chargea pro-
visoirement Diego Gelmirez, jeune chanoine intelligent et bien
apparente ; puis en 11 94 Dalmachius, un moine de Cluny, fut ^lu
^veque avec mandat d'organiser I'dglise et le clerge d'apres les prin-
cipes de son abbaye. C'est de lui sans doute que Diego Gelmirez
recut Tid^e de I'emancipation et de la future grandeur de Teglise de
Compostelle. Dalmachius elu et I'^glise de Compostelle placee sous
* C 'est -la dans cette Histoire plutot prolixe I'linique trace des traditions sur la venue
de Charlemagne en Espagne ; ce n'est qu'une allusion a une tradition orale, parait-il.
88 Etudes compostellanes.
la d^pendance directe de Rome, Diego alia visiter le Saint-P^re
et fut ordonnd sous-diacre ; pendant qu*il se trouvait dans la Ville
Eternelle, Dalmachius mourut et, le pape ayant enfin d^clar^ legitime
la destitution de Diego Pelaez, ce fut Diego Gelmirez que le roi
Alphonse et le clerg^ de Compostelle appelerent a diriger le
diocese de Saint- Jacques. " Este es el grande nombre de quien
tanto hay que decir." (Esp. sagr., xix, p. 215.)
Elu le I Juillet 1 100, Diego obtient d'etre sacr^ en Espagne
m^me k cause des circonstances difficiles que traversait le pays, le
21 avril de Tann^e suivante. En homme "in ecclesiasticis et in
saecularibus negotiis perspicacissimi ingenii" il accepte pour le
moment les conditions de son eglise vis-k-vis du roi, du pape et
du repr^sentant de Rome, I'archeveque de Tolede ; mais son plan
n'^tait pas moins arrets.
" Rome avait le pape, Jerusalem un patriarche : ce serait done
faire injure, * opprobriosum atque injuriosum,' a St. Jacques, proche
parent du Seigneur, son disciple favori, son ami de cceur, 6\u pour
singer a ses cotes, que de laisser son dglise a un simple ^veque."
Compostelle archeveche et m^tropole en Extreme-Occident, voila
le but que Diego s'^tait propose et qu'il a atteint de tres pres, non
sans immenses difficult^s, pendant sa longue carriere. Des 1 102 nous
le trouvons en route pour Rome afin d'y plaider sa cause. II passe
par Cluny, " caput totius monasticae religionis, par la quality de la
Sainte Religion, par la quantity et par la dignity." II y dtudie
I'organisation intdrieure qu'il donnera a son 6glise. Presque timide-
ment il communique, "auribus instillavit," le but de son voyage
k Tabbd qu'il savait puissant. Celui-ci en est ^tonn6 et lui conseille
de faire preparer le terrain par son clergd ; il lui rappelle le refus
qu'avait essuyd Dalmachius, un moine de Cluny pourtant, de la part
de son frere en religion, le pape Urbain ; avait-il done oubli6 que
les cardinaux Romains avaient d^clar^ ne vouloir rien faire pour
rdglise de Saint-Jacques a cause du manque de politesse religieuse,
" religiosa urbanitas," que cette dglise, " superba et arrogans," avait
t^moignd jadis k un des leurs? Diego se rend k Rome quand-
meme. II est le premier ^v^que de Saint- Jacques qui ait fait ce
pelerinage. II obtient le " pallium " en ^change de Tob^issance
eternelle qu'il jure au Saint-Siege et que celui-ci ne se fera pas
faute de lui rappeler en toute occasion. Mais "ad archie-
piscopatum animus ejus semper anhelabat." II saura patienter
et saisir le moment opportun. En attendant il construit son
eglise et des hdpitaux pour les pelerins ; il instruit son clerg^,
Etudes compostellanes. 89
il appelle a lui des pretres frangais et envoie les siens en France ;
il acquiert des domaines et obtient des privileges pour son ^glise ;
il trouve Targent — souvent c*est le sien propre — pour obliger
tous ceux qui pourront un jour lui 6tre utiles ; au patriarche de
Jerusalem il envoie tant de pelerins que le pape croit n^cessaire
d'att^nuer ce zele, "ne occasione Hierosolymitani itineris occi-
dentalis depopuletur ecclesia " au moment du danger des Maures.
Avec une souplesse extraordinaire il intervient dans les graves
troubles politiques qui d^solerent le pays a la mort du roi Alphonse
(en 1 109, 30 Juin). Le comte Raymond, gendre du roi et Seigneur
de Galice, ^tait mort avant, en 1 107 ; il avait 6t6 enterre dans
r^glise de Compostelle. Le royaume restait done a sa femme
Urraque, fille du roi, et a son enfant, le futur empereur Alphonse VII,
n^ en 1105, proclame Seigneur de Galice en 1107 et heritier du
royaume apres la mort de I'lnfant Don Sanche k la bataille d'Ucles
contre les Maures, en 1 108. Diego, qui avait baptise Tenfant, et
I'oncle, Tarcheveque Gui de Vienne, le futur Calixte II, devaient
comme tuteurs veiller aux int^rets du jeune prince. En r^alite
cette charge retombait toute entiere sur Diego qui 6tait sur place.
L'^veque avait compris qu*il ferait profiter son eglise en travaillant
pour son futur souverain ; mais il fallait manager la reine-mere, femme
ambitieuse et changeante. La situation politique devient dangereu.se
pour les inter^ts de I'heritier legitime, quand la veuve-regente
Spouse Alphonse I d*Aragon dit le Batailleur, son parent, un
sinistre tyran qui la maltraite. Diego a beau condamner, au nom
de TEglise, ce mariage comme incestueux ; il a beau invoquer le
testament d'Alphonse VI, d'apres lequel Urraque perdait ses droits
sur la Galice, si elle se remariait ; les nobles ne le soutenaient
pas, la fid^iite des Galiciens 6tait douteuse, enfin la bravoure des
Castillans s'6tait perdue. Les Aragonais saccageaient le pays,
pillaient les eglises et d^valisaient les pelerins. La demoralisation
la plus complete r^gnait partout. La reine encourageait la
resistance contre Teveque.
Diego, "in quo solo fidei ubertas tum temporis plenarie
redundabat," est trahi, vo!^ et retenu prisonnier avec le jeune
roi. Rel&ch6, il ramfene momentan^ment la paix. Mais la
rdvolte etait loin d'etre 6touff6e. Urraque s'dtait s6par6e du roi
d Aragon. C*est Diego qui lui fournit Targent et les soldats pour
combattre les Aragonais et les rebelles. En m^me temps il
repousse des pirates anglais que les insurg^s avaient appelds dans
le pays et " qui utpote gens nullius pietatis melle condita et remota
90 Etudes cOxMpostellanes.
et mari finitima pessumdarent et atrocitatis suae rabiem exercerent."
Un nouveau rapprochement entre la reine et le roi d'Aragon,
motive sans doute de la part d*Urraque par le fait que Diego avait
sacr^ le jeune roi en Tiiglise de Compostelle, le 21 Septembre 1 1 10,
et qu*il s'dtait d^clar^ ouvertement le protecteur r^solu de son futur
souverain, n'est pas de longue dur^e. Ne pouvant plus compter sur
les Castillans autrefois si vaillants, Urraque implore Diego qui
la defend avec ses Galiciens contre TAragonais. Celui-ci fait des
avances de paix, mais sur le conseil de Diego Urraque les rejette
et, quoique au fond hostile aux Galiciens, elle jure fiddlitd a
1> ' A
eveque.
Rentrd k Compostelle, Diego s'occupe ^nergiquement du
soulagement des mis^reux, du reglement de la justice, bref de
Torganisation int^rieure de son diocese. Sur Tinvitation de son
superieur, Tarchev^que de Tolede, il se prepare a relever le
pays. Mais pas un instant il n'oublie ses grands interets en
cour de Rome, T^levation a Tarchev^ch^. L'occasion de faire une
demarche s'etait presentee, quand Tarcheveque de Braga, Maurice,
avait envahi le diocese de Leon et avait ecoute " le tyran teuton,
I'empereur Henri," pour se faire ^lire quelque temps apres pape
contre G^Iase. Un nomm6 Pelagius, "quidam idiota," fut ^lu
archeveque de Braga contre les principes canoniques. . Faire
transferer Tarchevech^ de Braga a Compostelle, qui d'ailleurs
avait des droits sur une partie assez considerable du diocese
jadis conferee a Maurice en " praestimonium " ; obtenir ensuite
le m^tropolitat emeritain sur lequel Tarcheveque de Tolede
n'exer^ait plus aucun contrdle, puisque les Arabes s*y dtaient
installds: voila ce que Diego avait fait demander au pape des
la premiere heure. A Rome le cardinal Jean Gaetan plaidait sa
cause, mais, vu V6tat trouble de TEglise Romaine, le pape
Pascal refuse, " quia Ecclesiarum novae dispositiones in huius
modi tumultibus minus competenter fieri possunt cum magis
perturbationem Ecclesiae videantur afferre quam pacem."
Diego ne d^sespere pas. La rebellion avait relev6 la tete.
Urraque etait venue k Compostelle et pretait de nouveau
Toreille "susurronibus atque detractoribus" de T^veque. S*il s'etait
6loign6 d'elle pour sauvegarder les droits du jeune roi, c'est qu'il
jugeait "ejus (scil. Uraccae) animum ad regendum in pace et
justitia Hispaniae Regnum femineum atque inermem " ; il saura en
profiter. Urraque pleure et demande pardon ; une fois de plus elle
jure fid61it6 et accorde des privileges. Mais Diego se mefie et se
ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 9 1
prepare. II appelle de Genes des constructeurs de galeres, repousse
les Sarrasins et par un riche butin remplit ses caisses. Ses
envoyes, toujours en route entre Rome et Compostelle, lui rap-
portent la dispense d'assister aux conciles a I'Etranger ; il voulait
rester sur place pour defendre sa politique qui etait de conserver le
royaume et la Galice a Theritier legitime. Urraque ne p.ouvait
s'y tromper : c'etait la fin de sa domination. D'autre part,
Diego connaissait et " instabilem mulieris fidem " et ses Galiciens
"homines versipelles et fortunae comites quibus proditionis lepra
naturaliter insita . erat." L'orage (delate. Diego n^ecoute pas
d'abord les protestations d' Urraque d*avoir egard a son sexe ; il
est touche cependant, lorsqu'elle pretend " le venerer prae omnibus
episcopis de son royaume." II commet alors I'imprudence de lui
accorder le depart du roi et de ses compagnons de Compostelle.
Le voila isole en face d*une vaste conspiration que des membres de
son propre clerge, pour la plupart ses proteges, encouragent. 11
abandonne son poste " pro tempore, hac conditione ut ab eis (sc.
mediatoribus) quando vellet reciperet " et se rend aupres d'Urraque
a L^on. II s'arrange avec elle et regoit des gages de paix, entre
autres la tete de St. Jacques le Mineur ^ volee nuitamment en
Terre Sainte par Maurice, archev^que de Braga ; puis il r^concilie
la reine avec son fils et s'en retourne a Compostelle, ou Urraque
presque aussitdt vient le rejoindre. Effray^s du chatiment qui les
attend, les conspirateurs au d^sespoir pillent et brulent Teglise.
Diego et la reine sont assi^ges dans une tour a laquelle les revokes
mettent le feu. Malgre leurs promesses de respecter la reine,
puisque c'est k Diego qu'ils en veulent, ils se ruent sur elle
lorsqu'elle sort, lui arrachent les vetements et la laissent
"dilaniata crines, nudata corpore, provoluta luto" sur la place.
Ecceurd de ces brutal ites, notre brave Giraud souhaite etre
" Belvaci," c'est a dire dans sa patrie "eo (sc. Didaco) tamen
* L'histoire de ce vol (Hist. Conip., p. 250) est caracteristique pour les moyens
qu'employait le zele religieux pour se procurer des reliques. Diego lui-meme s'est servi
de moyens semblables pour rapporter du Portugal les corps de plusieurs saints et martyrs.
Bien entendu, l'histoire Compostellane laisse croiie ici que cette tete etait celle de Jacolnis.
Maior, en n'ajoutant aucun detail. Les deux auteurs de la premiere partie disent,
cependant, que le corps de Saint Jacques a Compostelle etait "cum capite." Arras, on
le sait, possedait egalement une t6ie de St. Jacques, et Toulouse pretend avoir re9u celle
qu'on y venerait de Charlemagne lui-meme. L'eveque de Tuy, Samillan, ayant doute de
I'authenticite de cette tete, le cardinal Juan Ruys de Durana fit ouvrir la chjlsse, et
I'incredule eveque put constater qu'elle portait bien les traces d'une porra de lavar latia
avec laquelle on avait assomme le Saint. C'est de St. Jacques, fils d'Alphee, qu*il s'agit.
92 ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES.
non absente." Plusieurs des parents de Diego sont tues ; lui-mem^
^chappe par miracle " abjecto pallio suo et accepta a quodam
capa vilissima " ; apres bien des aventures dont quelques-unes
assez plaisantes pour un eveque, et apres avoir et^ plusieurs fois
en danger de mort, il reussit a sortir de Compostelle en compagnie
de deux Fran^ais. Urraque ^coute les doldances des conspirateurs
contre I'dv^que " qui illos adhuc oppressit et dignitatem ecclesiae
et civitatis ad nihilum redegit," puis elle quitte la ville boulevers^e
sous pr^texte d'amener son fils k jurer fid^lite aux insurges.
En reunissant leurs forces, le roi, la reine et I'eveque ont raison
des insenses. Diego pardonne ; il reconstruit son ^glise et son
palais aux frais des habitants repentants (1117). Entre temps le
cardinal Ga^tan avait 6te elu pape sous le nom de Gelase. Diego
veut aller lui-meme demander sans detour I'^levation de son
^glise a la dignite de metropole, en faisant valoir les droits qu*il
avait sur Braga et en appuyant sa demande d'arguments
sonnants. Mais les Sarrasins tiennent I'Oc^an; les Aragonais et
les conspirateurs bannis infestent les routes de terre ; enfin I'argent
lui manque. L'eveque, alors, puise dans le tr^sor de son <Jglise. Ses
deux envoy^s, ddguises en pelerins, sont reconnus, d^valis^s et
I'un d'eux, son neveu, est retenu en prison. Gelase avait fui
de Rome devant " I'impie persecution et la violence tyrannique
d'Henri, roi d'Allemagne et empereur Romain " ; il s'etait r^fugie
en France et avait convoqu6 un concile a Clermont. Diego
parfait une nouvelle somme d'argent par des moyens que son
zele ambitieux seul excuse, et d^legue deux autres de ses amis
aupres du pape ; Tun etait ce meme Giraud dont nous suivons
le recit. Urraque s'oppose a ce depart a cause des perils de
la route ; elle envoie un de ses fideles serviteurs, le prieur
de Carrion, qui n'obtient cependant dans ce voyage que la
liberte du neveu de l'eveque et une lettre du pape qui priait Diego
"ut Romanae Ecclesiae multis periculis aggravatae multisque
distractionibus fatigatae memoriam habeaty Alors Diego se
prepare a affronter lui-meme les dangers du voyage : " Aestimabat
enim si praedicto concilio interesse valeret Papam Gelasium petitioni
suae satisfacturum." II se met en route. Pendant qu*il se trouve
a Burgos chez Urraque, la nouvelle lui arrive de la mort de
Gelase et de I'election de Gui de Vienne, Calixte II.
Nous devons citer ce passage de I'Histoire Compos tel lane
a cause de son importance pour I'origine du Codex Calixtinus.
On s'en est servi, je crois, pour prouver que Calixte II a pu
liTUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 93
i^ellement pousser son intdret pour I'avenir de Compostelle jusqu'a
en fabriquer ou meme a en patronner la legende. Le voici :
" Postquam haec atque huius modi praedictus prior Carrio-
nensis nobis enucleavit (ipse namque et dissolution! Papae Gelasii
et electioni Papae Calixti interfuerat) praedictus episcopus S. Jacobi
(c'est a dire Diego), quamquam ut praediximus ad sublimationem
ecclesiae suae satis anhelaret, vinito magis audita electione
atque consecratione Calixti Papae ad id aspiravit. Quippe iuter
praedictinn Vienae archiepiscopum et hiinc ecclesiae St, Jacobi
episcopum vtagnae dilectionis connexio a praeteritis fuerat^ {.um c\\i\dL
olim ambo simul Romam adierant et inviceni B, Petri Apostoli
dogma adimpleverant, unusquisque sicut accepit gratiam in alter-
utrum illam administrantes, turn quia/r^/rr situs Conies Raymimdns
queni inviiuin dilexerat in ecclesia B. Jacobi sepultus est: turn
quia nepotein suum Jiliuin Comitis Raymundi Regein Alpkons:im
in ecclesia B. Jacobi praedictus episcopus baptizaverat^ et in regem
unxerat : his atque aliis de causis Papa Calixtus ecclesiani R.
Jacobi Apostoli ejusdemque loci episcopum pater no dilectionis ajffcctu
auiplectebatur^ et si locus aut tempus concederet^ cam sublimare
intendebat!' Ce passage, comme je I'ai' vu depuis, a h\.i discute
par M. Dozy, et le P. Fidel Fita y Colom^ a r^pondu aux
conclusions que ce savant en a tirees.^ Comme le Codex
Calixtinus est, du moins en majeure partie, place sous I'autoritt^
et sous le nom de Calixte, on a voulu faire croire que
ce pape portait un int^ret tout a fait particulier au culte de
St. Jacques et qu'il etait meme venu a Compostelle. II
n'existe pour ce pieux pelerinage aucune preuve, nulle part,
meme pas dans I'Histoire de Compostelle, dont I'auteur n'aurait
pas manqu^ de nous en parler, si ce fait s'etait produit. M. U.
Robert a raison d'insister sur cette preuve negative, et mon savant
ami, le P. Fidel Fita, ne saurait nous convaincre du contraire a I'aide
d'une induction plausible de '^sentido commun." En histoire cet
argument ne compte pas. L'attitude de Calixte apres son
election montre assez que Thomme et le pape pensaient,
sentaient et agissaient differemment. Calixte mit bien du "temps
pour accorder a son ami une partie de tout ce que celui-ci
ambitionnait, et Diego dut invoquer d'autres arguments que I'amiti^
pour arriver a ses fins. N'oublions pas, enfin, que les politesses
^ Voy. P. Fidel Fita y Colonic et D. Aureliano »rnandez Giierra, Recuerdos dc \x\\
viaje \ Santiago de Galicia, p. 117 sq.
- I
94 ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES.
officielles echangees ehtre hommes d'eglise ne doivent pas toujours
etre prises au pied de la lettre ; ici, comme ailleurs, ce sont
phrases de chancellerie. -
U^lection de Calixte ne s'etait point faite sans difficultes. Les
Romains voterent pour Gui que les Fran^ais, et surtout les Bour-
guignons, desiraient garder, et comme Ponce, TabW de Cluny, ^tait
I'autre candidat qu'avait ddsigne Gelase avant de mourir, "in.ea
die pene Cluniaci claustra Romano sanguine maduere." Calixte
avait done des affaires plus urgentes que eel les de Diego de
Compostelle. En plus, Tarcheveque de Tolede s*^tait plaint
de Diego ; il avait m^me fabrique une lettre au nom du jeune
roi, neveu de Calixte, dans laquelle le prince se disait menace
dans son pouvoir par 1 eveque de Compostelle. Calixte r^pond
a I'envoye de Diego, Giraud, que son mattre aurait dQ venir en
personne au concile de Toulouse viMter les faveurs qu*il
sollicitait, et qu'il aurait a se presenter sans faute I'annee suivante
a Reims. En meme temps il rappelle a son ami ses devoirs de
tuteur du jeune roi. Giraud, m^content, mais pour ne pas s'en
retourner " eo (scit. papa) insalutato,*' laisse vingt onces d or pour
Sa Saintete et confie pouV une autre occasion le reste des presents
apportes, "arcam auream cum praedictis morabitinis et cetera,"
a I'abbe de Cluny " in quo," dit-il, " negotii ecclesiae nostrae (sc.
Compostellanae) summa partim sita erat." Diego avait raison de
compter sur I'influence qu'avait Cluny; aussi nemenageait il pas ses
cadeaux {benedict tones) a Tabbe. Les cardinaux non plus n'avaient
ete oubli^s. Heureusement pour Diego, .Calixte et Cluny se
boudaient, et comme le premier devait tot ou tard^se reconcilier
avec la puissante abbaye, il fut convenu avec Diego que ses
revendications seraient dans les conditions de paix. Malgre
les efforts, d'ailleurs couronn^s de succes, que faisait la reine pour
empecher Diego de se rendre a Tappel du pape — elle flairait
qiielque combinaison politique a son desavantage avec I'oncle et
cotuteur de son fils — , malgre les graves accusations portees contre
lui par I'archeveque de Tolede et par ses nombreux ennemis,
Calixte ecoute I'abbe de Cluny, bien prepare par les envoyes
de Compostelle, et accorde le transfert de la metropole emdritaine
a Saint-Jacques.^ Le diocese de Mdrida, presque entierement
dans les mains des Sarrazins, avait le plus grand besoin d'un
' La bulle fut signee a V«'ilence en Dauphine, le 25 Fevrier I r20.
ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 95
chef; par centre, Braga ou Lugo dont Diego aurait pr6{6r6 recueillir
la dignity netaient pas si faciles a depouiller ou a modifier.
Evidemment Calixte ne voulait pas trop s'avancer ; mais comme
le titulaire de Braga, Maurice, et son successeur, Pelayo, s'etaient
montr^s peu oWissants envers le Saint-Siege, et qu'en outre Teveque
de Compostelle avait donn^ "in prestimonium" certains territoires
a celui de Braga, Calixte ne fit aucune difficulte pour ajouter au
metropolitat le vicariat pour les provinces de Merida et de Braga.
Cependant, quand peu apres I'archeveque de Braga refuse
obeissance a Diego, Calixte I'approuve " in parte " ; il reproche
meme a son " ami " de " trop opprimer I'eglise de Braga et de trop
en desirer la dignitd" Sans doute Diego ne mettait pas assez
de managements a exercer ses nouveaux droits. Mais enfin, il
les avait obtenus. Alphonse avait insiste de son c6te aupres
de Calixte ; ^ les nobles de Bourgogne, le due d'Aquitaine, la
comtesse de Flandre, tante du roi, qui tous avaient a coetir la bonne
entente du jeune prince et de son ^v^que, setaient joints aux
cardinaux et a l-abbd de Cluny. Hugon, chanoine de Saint-Jacques
et ^veque de Portugal, avait 6te charge de r^partir les nombreux
cadeaux ; d^guis^ en mendiant, il reussit a tromper les brigands
Aragonais et a sauver les pr^cieuses offrandes; une autre partie en
avait ^t^ confiee a des pelerins. Pour parfaire la somme destinee
au pape, Diego avait de nouveau mis a contribution le tresor de
St. Jacques; il avait transform^ en monnaie des richesses de I'eglise,
comme, par exemple, une table en argent ayant appartenu au roi
des Maures, Almestan, et avait ajoutd de sa propre cassette ce qui
manquait.
Le voila, au moins temporairement, arrive a la premiere etape
de ses ambitions ; pour dtendre et assurer ses privileges " in
perpetuum,"^ d'autres efforts ^taient n^cessaires.
Diego fortifie le territoire et le defend contre les Sarrasins. II
aggrandit son palais et le rend " idoneum k recevoir les rois, prelats
et autres grands personnages " ; *' ecclesiam et in ecclesiasticis
et in saecularibus valde sublimavit, augmentavit, ditavit." Les
' p. 293. *'Supplicante Nepote nostro Ildefonso Hispaniaruin Rige." Flores
semble nier rintervention des personnages puissants.
' II y a dans les pieces officielles octroyant ces privileges bien des pariiculariies
k relever. Pour ne rien dire des dates, rappelons la contradiction qu'il y a entre le recit
de Giraud, par ex. pag. 396 (caepit sc. Didacus secum tractare et solicitus esse quomoJo
praefatam dignitatem suae ecclesiae /// perpetnitin posset vindicare et retinere, etc. , \\)y.
P- 397) et les termes de la bulle, p. 293, conferant le metropolitat ct Diego et a ses
sitccessettrs.
96 Etudes compostellanes.
pelerinages, source de richesses et de dignit^s, sont Tobjet
constant de ses soins. Mais avant tout, il s'efforce de relever
le pays mat^riellement afin de remplir la recommendation de ses
protecteurs, celle de Calixte surtout, de soutenir le jeune roi.
Urraque en prend ombrage.
Elle recommence ses agissements. La reine Th^rese de
Portugal, sa soeur, mena^ait ses frontieres. Urraque entraine
Diego qui voyait le moment venu de faire valoir ses droits sur
Braga. Au retour de cette expedition, elle s*empare de sa
personne. Le pape, le roi, les 6veques, m^me les nobles de
France, sollicit^s par un neveu de Diego " qui in Francia
philosophicam disciplinam adiscebat," demandent sa mise en
liberty ; la reine cede et on s*arrange pour un moment. Le
r^sum^ de Giraud ne manque pas de saveur :
" Regina quoque in eumdem et in episcopatu et in archi-
episcopatu* plurima machinata fuerat : ipsa nimirum ecclesias
ubique per regnum suum auro, argento et quibusque pretiosis
expoliaverat : civitates, oppida, castella, villas, ut res usque in
hodiernum diem ostendit, pessundarat : pacem et iustitiam
earumque collegas effugaverat. Cum eius indefessa voracitas
regnum pessundedisset Hiberum, restabat ecclesia B. Jacobi et
ejus honores, in quibus praedicta Jezabel depraedare ardebat :
idcirco inter eam et huius ecclesiae pastorem saepius pacis
dirumpebantur foedera : ipsa enim assidue ad rapinam et ad
excidium anhelabat : archiepiscopus lupinam rabiem ah ovili
suo arcere^ beluinos denies ab ecclesiae suae corpore amovere^
velut strenuus pastor, viriliter elaborabat Sed cum muliebris animi
molimenta saepius cassarentur nee vi nee dolo rabiem suam fera
crinis satiate quivisset, ad majora nequitiae argumenta intendit
animum .... Demum tanto dilectionis foedere regina con-
foederavit sibi archiepiscopum, tot tantisque juramentis obligavit
se illi, quod omnia fraudis emolimenta crederentur abesse, sese
etiam archiepiscopo admodum exhibuit obnoxiam : archiepiscopus
credens omnem iniquitatis filicem ab ea funditus eradicatam
credebat se illi : nempe verum est jllud poeticum :
Quo semel imbuta est recens servabit odorem
Testa diu," etc.
Diego fut reconnu dans ses droits ; il sortit de cette 6preuve
plus puissant et plus decide que jamais k imposer son autorit^.
La reine le sentait bien et ne voyait plus d'autre issue que la guerre
civile. Son fils, le jeune Alphonse, restait fidele a son tuteur.
Etudes compostellanes. 97
Arretons-nous un instant ici pour voir combien Diego mit de
soins pour rehausser en sa propre personne la dignity de son eglise.
Le roi des Sarrasins, AH, avait envoyd une mission aupres d'Urraque
et de son fils, Les Maures rencontrent sur les routes " ad occi-*
dentem " en une telle foule " ut vix pateat liber callis," les pelerins
qui se rendent a Compostelle au tombeau de Tapotre, " quern Gallia,
Anglia, Latium, Alemania, omnesque christicolarum provinciae et
praecipue Hispania veneratur utpote patronum et protutorem
suum." A I'aspect de la basilique " magno percutiuntur stupore."
On leur enumere les miracles du saint apotre. Ce passage de
I'Historia Compostellana n'est point sans importance. Outre les
miracles courants, "gu^risons d'aveugles, de paralytiques, de l^preux,
et d'autres genres de diverses maladies," le Saint a d^livr^ des
prisonniers " compeditos et carceri mancipatos, alios diuturno
languore detentos sanavit, illis in difficillimis opem praestitit ^ :
ubicumque terrarum, transpyreuem (sic!) ^/^Z//'^, innumeris miraculis
pollet." Nous voudrions bien savoir quels ont ete les " verissima
atque evidentisshna argumenta*^ que le centurion Petrus, attach^
h. cette mission pendant son s^jour k Compostelle, a employes pour
confondre I'incr^dulite des infideles " qui nullatenus praesumebant
repugnare eum et prae oculis veritatis haberent indicia et tanta
obstupescerent gloria." Giraud n'aurait pas manque d'etre plus
precis et de mentionner le recueil des miracles du Calixtinus, si
celui-ci avait existe k la cathedrale ; il nous aurait meme dit
que le Chapitre projetait un pareil recueil des r^cits d^tachds,
rassemblds de partout — on en poss^dait siirement alors — , si I'idee
en avait ete concue de son temps a Compostelle. Le Calixtinus
est done une ent reprise priv^e ou une conception ^tr anger e dont
on ne savait rien a Saint- Jacques avant 11 39, mais qui
repondait entierement aux aspirations des promoteurs du culte
de Tapdtre.
Puis Giraud nous raconte, sans autre raison, que son maitre
fut sauve des Sarrasins alors qu'il n'etait pas encore eveque,
" par la main de Dieu et par Tintervention de St. Jacques."
Quand, au debut de son episcopat, il eut un jour k juger
* II y a dans le deuxieme livre du Calixtinus, celui des miracles, des fails
qui pourraient, en effet, etre vises par les designations generales de Giraud. Cela
prouverait tout au plus qu'on se racontait de son temps ces miracles et qu'on les
recueillait a Compostelle.
7
98 ETUDES COMPOSTELLAKES.
un soldat accuse de vol, le toit du pretoire s'effondre, ecrasant
la foule ; seuls Tev^que et Tami assis k ses c6tes echappent " par
miracle." Pareille gr4ce lui advient k Jria dans son palais,
•pendant qu'il y juge un soldat coupable d'adultere. Giraud
n'hesite pas daffirmer, en enumerant les unes apres les autres
les captivites et les situations dangereuses, que, si Teveque eh
est sorti sain et sauf, ce fut par la protection divine et apostolique;
Cest le commencement de la l^gende. "Certes," repete-t-il,
"c'est pour la gloire de Dieu, pour que tous aient confiance en
sa misericorde " ; mais apres tout il servait la gloire de son mattre
aupres des pelerins, plus respectueux ceux-ci pour la personne de
Tarchev^que que ne I'dtaient ses propres ouailles. N*etait-ce pas
pour les princes et les prelats que Diego construit des palais?
puis des hopitaux et des • conduites amenant Teau potable
jusqu'aux portes du temple pour les simples pelerins? Giraud
est embarasse pour ^numerer tous les objets precieux que Diego
sut acquerir pour Tornement et pour la grandeur de son eglise
malgre les temps difficiles, malgr6 les revolutions, malgre les
persecutions. Deja en 1 102 1 eveque avait profite d'une " tournee "
dans le Portugal pour ramener k Compostelle les corps des
Saints Fructuose, Silvestre, Cucufate, et de Sainte Suzanne.
Rien de plus typique que la fagon dont il s'est empare de ces
reliques.^ Nous savons qu*il recut en cadeau une tete qui passait
pour etre celle de VapStre !
Voici maintenant une liste des principaux objets precieux que
possedait Diego dans son eglise en 1 122. Cest Giraud qui a dresse
cet inventaire dans son Histoire, et il n'y a aucune raison de croire
qu'il soit incomplet : Quatre citheras k la grecque,^ quatre chapes
pontificales et douze autres en sole precieuse ; deux paires (jeux)
de vetements pontificaux complets ; trois autres ddnt Diego fit
cadeau aux eveques de Porto, de Mondoiiedo, et de Salamanque ;
* " Occulte . . . . ne forte gens huius terrae indisciplinata tantoque thesauro
expoliata in nos subitam seditionem commove.it." fe " pium latrocinium " fut commis
apres que le plan ** divina inspiratione ortum " fut approuve, et apres I'office de la messe.
On n'a pas fait tant de facons pour enrichir les musees du Nord des tresors grecs et
Tomains.
* "Citheras graeco exercitio contpositas. " Le P. Flores entend des capas
pontificales **que el Autor llama Citheras a la griega." Ce n'esi pas kitc^hxs
ou KiSofKts, qui seraient des couvre-chefs, differents de la tiare et semblables ^ ceux
que pjrtaient les rois orientaux, Peut-etre faut-il lire : chimeras (esp. chamarra^
frj. chamarre ou cimarre).
-^•fl****^
ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 99
deux dalmatiques, une chasuble (planeta^) noire, enfin une ceinture
en or: voilaL pour les v^tements. En fait de reliquaifcs,
ustensiles de culte, etc., Giraud mentionne deux cassettes en
argent dont Tune renfermait la tete de St. Jacques (!e Mineur),^
une en ivoire, une en m^tal dor^ et en verre cisel^, une tres pr<5cieuse
en or pour laquelle Diego avait paye 3,000 sols et dont il fit pr<5sent
a Calixte II ; la reine Urraque lui avait offert un Lignum Domini
en ch^Lsse d'or ; au cardinal Boson il tdmoigne sa reconnaissance
en lui donnant une croix en or ; au pape il offre en plus et toujours
en vue d'obtenir ce qu*il demandait pour son 6glise, " pro utilitate
ecclesiae suae," un calice et deux encensoirs en or ; il conserve
pour lui trois calices en argent et trois flacons (urceolas, vinagivas:
Flores) du m^me m^tal. En fait de Hvres Diego avait acquis des
textes des Evangiles (en lettrcs pourpres ?) ' et deux en argent ; il
en a fait restaurer un autre "en or"; un Missel, un Epistolarium,
iin Syon, tous en argent, etaient des pieces pr<5cieuses par leur
execution et par leur reliure ; la cath^dra.le poss^dait en outre
un Antiphonaire, un Missel, un livre d*Offices (officiarium), trois
Br^viaires, un Careme (quadragesiniale), deux livres de Bene-
dictions (beriedictionales), un Livre pastoral (pastorale), un Livre
de Vita Episcoporum, los Canons, un autre Livre "ex diversis
sententiis," un autre Livre "de Fide S. Trinitatis et de aliis
sententiis," enfin un autre Livre plus grand ^^ per totius anni
circulum!^^ Quelque gen^raux que soient certains de ces litres,
il est permis d'affirmer qu'au moment oil a ete fait cet inventaire
il ne se trouvait pas au CJaapitre de Saint-Jacques un Liber
S. Jacobi. Comme ce moment est celui oil Diego venait d'obtenir
de Calixte Tarcheveche et le vicariat de certaines provinces, Giraud,
^ Cette denomination grecque jxnir casnla npparait en Espagne des le vii* siecle
(conciles de Tolede) et y est usitee plu^ qu'autrepart poUr la casula des eveques **dont
les plis," dit St. Isidore, "flottent en lignes vagues autour du corps, d'ou le nom."
* Voy. Fidel Fita, Viaje, etc., p. 86 sv,
^ *' Praeterea duas dalinaticas, iin-im planetam nigram, de piwrpiira textus Evan-
geliorum, duos argenteos, alium aureum," etc. Sic edit. Flores traduit : "Textos de
Evangelios cubiertos de purpura: otrosdos de plata y uno que habia de oro," etc.
Je ne sais s'il faut rapporter le *' de purpura " a la couverture des Evangiles. Le texte est
bizarre; psut-e.re y atil une licune apres "nigram" ou faut-il plutot entendre **une
planeta noire et pjurpre." Si "de purpura" est dit de la couverture des Evangiles,
"argenteos" et "aureuni" ne peuvent avoir trait aux lettres
* I^s recue!ls de ce genre n'etaient pas rares en Espagne. On en trouve mentionnes
dans les Concilej de Tolede du x" siecle Voyez l.i description d'Arnaldu.s.
loo Etudes compostellanes.
qui d'ailleurs avait 6t6 lui-meme a Rome entretenir le pape sur
r^tat de Teglise Compostellane, n*aurait pas manqu^ de citer soit le
Calixtinus lui-meme ou tout autre 6crit de Calixte sur St. Jacques
qui piit servir de base au Calixtinus, si Tun ou Tautre avait existe.
II n'y a pas davantage une allusion a un semblable ecrit dans
I'enumeration des acquisitions faites pour le trdsor dans les ann^es
suivantes jusqu'en 1 1 39.
En 1 125 Diego fait fondre deux grandes et deux petites cloches.
Quand quelques annees apres, en 1129, son tresorier veut aller en
Terre Sainte, il lui conseille d'y envoyer ses offrandes par
des messagers et de consacrer les frais de ce voyage a acheter
** quoddam ornamentum honorabile et pretiosum ad Dei et B. Jacobi
honorem et servitium." Justement le roi Alphonse avait ofifert
— pour de I'argent, bien entendu — un calice en or que I'archeveque
de Tolede " imminente sibi necessitate " avait vendu au prince.
Le tresorier I'achete et en fait cadeau a son eglise ; celle-ci
Tabsout de ses p^chds, tout comme s'il avait et^ a Jerusalem.
Tolede possedait " quoddam aquamanile de christallo pretiosum
et optime laboratum " ; craignant un refus, s*il demandait a
Tobtenir directement, Diego le fait acheter par le roi qui Tenvoie
k Compostelle. Un peu plus tard ledit tresorier, devenu " per
Domini Compostellani manum " chancelier du roi, en donne un
" plus petit, plus pr&ieux par le travail que par la matiere." Sans
doute Diego recevait ou trouvait a acquerir bien des choses des
marchands anglais, normands et lorrains qui venaient k Com-
postelle et dont il prot^geait le trafic. Un decret de 1133
nous le montre aussi habile a rdgler le commerce de sa
metropole qu'a en gouverner T^glise. II savait fort bien la
supreme puissance de Targent Les 72 chanoines "literarum
studiis eruditi, ecclesiastic! officii periti, vita et mofibus ornati "
n'avaient plus tant a se plaindre. Giraudest emu d*admiration
en racontant tout ce que cet homme merveilleux, "providus
et venerabilis," avait fait pour enrichir son eglise, ** nee in
prosperitate nee in adversitate honoris et exaltationis suae
ecclesiae umquam oblitus." II lui eiat fallu pour tout dire " la
faconde de Maron ou de Tullius," Nous ne mentionnerons pas
les acquisitions en terrains, villages, etc., ni les privileges, comme
celui par ex. de frapper monnaie, que Diego a d'abord obtenus^
puis defendus et assures " in perpetuum."
II est certain que Giraud n'a pas connu le moindre document
important sur St. Jacques, attribue a Calixte et susceptible de
ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES. lOI
devenir le premier element d'un recueil en I'honneur de I'apotre et
de son eglise, et que, par consequent, le Calixtinus n'est pas du
a rinitiative du Chapitre de Compostelle, pas plus avant qu'apres
1 1 39. D'autres menus details nous menent a la meme conclusion.
Uhistoire de Charlemagne qui remplit tout un livre dans le
Calixtinus, n'etait alors connue k Compostelle que par ouY-dire,
puisque les deux auteurs de la premiere partie de THistoire
Compostellane disent simplement k propos de la decouverte du
corps de Tapotre : " Hoc autem sub tempore Karoli Magni factum
fuisse muliis referentibus audivimus^^ A propos de la tete de
St Jacques le M incur donnee par Urraque a Diego, Giraud ne
dit rien et ne pouvait rien dire de I'expedition de Charlemagne,
pendant laquelle, d'apres la legende, Tempereur aurait emporte
celle de Tapotre pour en faire cadeau ci Teglise de Toulouse.
Enfin il faudrait pouvoir controler plus minutieusement que
je ne I'ai pu faire si les miracles racontes par Giraud ont passe
dans le Calixtinus. Je ne le crois pas encore. Giraud ne parait
done pas avoir eu connaissance du projet d'un recueil ou ces
miracles auraient pu trouver place. De meme que lui ecrivait
rhistoire du premier archev^que, un autre aurait pu avoir I'idee
ou la mission de recueillir celle de I'apdtre. Les hommes capables
d'entreprendre un pareil travail ne manquaient pas a Compostelle,
nous voulons bien le croire ; mais nous nous refusons d'admettre
qu'un indigene eCit pu faire un " Calixtinus " avec des materiaux
recueillis sur place. Les apparences sont tres fortes, au contraire,
pour que le Codex Calixtinus tel qu'il existe aujourd'hui ait ete
pr^par^ et compost par un clerc Stranger tres au courant des affaires
de Compostelle^ qu'il ait ^t^ rMig^ ddfinitivement au dehors^ du
moins en majeure partie, et que, mis au net, il ait hx&. apport^
a Compostelle^ puis autkentiqu^ le mieux possible. Pourquoi
mettrions-nous en doute quant au fond et la suscription ^^qnUl
a ^// ^crit (entendez les diff^rents Mments) en plusieurs endroits^
d Rome, d Jerusalem, en Allemagne^ en Flandre, et surtout d Cluny*\
et I'indication de la fameuse authentification " que des pelerins de
France et de Flandre Vont donni a St, Jacques^'}
D<5jk la pieuse supercherie, a laquelle, apres tout, Diego edt pu
preter un assentiment tacite, nous apparait sous un autre jour.
En reprenant THistoria \k oil nous I'avons abandonnee, c'est
a dire k partir du moment ou Diego se trouve en rapport d'int^rets
avec Calixte II, nous verrons que jamais ce pape n'aurait permis
qu'on se servit de son nom au degre que Ta fait Tauteur du
102- ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES.
Calixtinus. Uhistoriographe a beau affirmer que ^^ inter Papain ante
papatum et in papatu et inter Compostellanmn archiepiscopum
ante archiepiscopatum et in archiepiscopatu indissolubilis fructi-
ficatur charitas dilectionis^' il a fallu bien des benedictions spontanies'
sous forme de " marcas argenti purl," distribuees habilement
i droite et a gauche, pour fl<5chir cet ami et pour obtenir in perpetuum
le metropolitat de Merida ; car cela amenait sous la dependance de
Compostelle les ^veques de Salamanque, d'Avila, de Coimbria, bref
le vaste diocese emdritain tel qu'il etait avant I'occupation des Maures.
C'est peut-etre cette occupation qui fut la cause que Calixte c6da
sur ce point sans trop de difficult^s. II en envoie meme a Diego le
privilege " dissigillatum ea videlicet de causa ut ipse et sui boni
clerici privilegium illud legant et diligenter inspiciant ulrum
aliquid sit in eo ad stabilitatem et firmitatem addendum vel
excludendum et meliorandum." Cet arrangement quasi prive est
singulier pour une mesure d'une telle importance, et en tout autre
Heu qu*ici il faudrait examiner de plus pr^s la teneur du document.
Quant au metropolitat de Braga, le pape avait bien commis "suas
vices" i Diego en 1120, mais un an plus tard il lui reproche
de "trop opprimer ecclesiam Braccarensem et de revendiquer
avec trop d'ardeur pour lui la dignit6 de celle-ci." Calixte
et ses successeurs' se montrent meme tres indulgents pour
la desobeissance du titulaire de Braga, ce qui fait paraitre
problematique le vicariat temporaire de Diego. Finalement
Diego s*arrange avec I'archeveque de Braga lui-meme, qui
accepte pour sa personue^ pas pour son t^glise le praestimonium
et le canonicat de St. Jacques et continue a se considerer comme
Vicarius S.R.E. La resistance aux idees de Diego vint d'un
autre cot^ ; elle n'etait que plus redoutable.
L'archev^que de Tolede n'etait pas content. Quand Diego,
fort de son vicariat " en route," convoque un concile sans attendre
Tarrivee du privilege dement signe, Bernard de Tolede qui " totius
Hi.spaniae legationem diutrne obtinuerat" se fi^che et fait k son
collegue de Compostelle des remon trances energiques et ameres.
D'autre part, le roi s'etait reconcilie avec sa mere, et tout en
protestant de leur amitie pour Diego, les souverains s*entendent
pour lui ordonner de ne plus troubler " honorem Toletanae
ecclesiae quam et longo diminuere seu anihilare perturbando
studuit tempore." Diego dont le vicariat n'etait en effet pas des
plus canoniques, etait alle trop vite et avait essaye de profiter des
conditions troubl^es du pays pour brusquer les chases. L'arrivee
Etudes cqmpqstellanes. 103
du cardinal Dieudonn^ en Espagne lui fournit un exp<5dient ; pour
la consecration de I'eveque de Burgos on celebre quand-meme le
concile contre lequel Tarchev^que de Tolede avait d*abord protest^ ;
•puis Diego s'excuse le mieux qu'il peut aupres de ses souverains et
^e declare prdt k faire "omnia quaecumque sibi injunxerint" dans
les mesures du possible et en tant qu'il serait compatible avec les
int^rets de sa propre ^glise. II fallait patienten En cour de Rome
ses affaires n'avan^aient pas. Son ami, le cardinal Dieudohn6,
n'obtient guere grand'chose " in melioranda legatione," c'est k dire
k r^tendre sur TEspagne entiere, " ac in renovandis privilegiis " ;
aussi Diego se fait-il rappeler plusieurs fois la chasuble qu*il avait
promise au cardinal pour ses bons services. Les archeveques de
Tolede et de Coimbria ne cessaient pas leurs intrigues contre lui
Calixte 6tait mort. Honorius, son successeur, avait signifid
k plusieurs reprises ci Tambitieux archeveque "ut dignitate palii
quod signum humilitatis est uti studeat, non abuti " ; et d'avoir
k gouverner sa personne "mansuete et cum humilitate." Mais
entre temps celui-ci avait 6norm6ment fait profiter son eglise
dans le pays-m^me. En 11 24 il avait arm^ chevalier le jeune
prince dans la cath^drale de St. Jacques, puis il avait consent!
a satisfaire a ses besoins d'argent considerables, en secret et
de main en main pour ne pas eveiller Tenvie de la reine-mere.
C'est bien malgre lui, croyons-le, que Tarchevdque, si prevoyant
d'ordinaire, sest cr^^ ce ftcheux pr6c<5dent. Une p^riode plus
heureuse semblait s'annoncer. La reine mourut en i I26(le 8 mars).
Diego est appele a Leon pour le couronnement solennel du roi.
Ce fut pour lui un voyage triomphal. 11 couronne Alphonse VII,
s*empare dans cette tourn^e de quelques propri<5t^s contesttes,
puis s'en retourne k Compostelle. En automne 1 127, sa milice aide
le souverain k reduire la reine Th^rese de Portugal. Au retour
celui-lk renouvelle k Diego tous les privileges, mais en m^me temps
il trouve juste Yidie que lui suggerent les ennemis du prelat:
Tarcheveque 6tait riche ; pourquoi ne contribuerait-il pas aux
depenses des guerres continuelles qui avaient ^puise la caisse
royale ? Diego fait bonne mine a mauvais jeu. II c^de aux
menaces et s*en tire au meilleur march6 possible ; en ^change il
re9oit des privileges et des propri^tes qu'il savait mieux exploiter
que le roi. Puis le prince se fait 61ire chanoine de St. Jacques ;
il choisit I'archeveque comme Capellan Mayor et son tresorier
comme chancelier du royaume ; enfin lui-m^me, sa soeur et sa
tante, la reine de Portugal, promettent de se faire enterrer
IC4 Etudes compostellanes.
k Compostelle et chacun octroie les fondations necessaires pour les
anniversaires. Diego y gagnait. Desormais il ne craignait plus la
resistance des grands du royaume ; il les gouvernait presque autant
que le souverain lui-m^me. M^me D. Arias Perez, son ennemi'
irr^ductible, le meilleur et le plus intrepide soldat de Tepoque,
fait amende honorable. Les Sarrasins ^taient tenus en distance
de la c6te par une nouvelle flottille de galeres. Puis Tarchev^que
obtient du roi qu'k la mort du titulaire du diocese de Saint-Jacques
le Chapitre seul e6t le droit de s'occuper des int^r^ts temporels
de rdglise. Au concile de Palencia, Diego preside et fait adopter
des mesures s^veres contre les adversaires de son eglise. Le roi
lui reconnait en toute propridt^ la ville de M6rida avant m^me de
Tavoir reconquise sur les Maures, afin de rendre complet et effectif
le don de son oncle, le transfert a Compostelle de la dignite de
m^tropole de cet ancien archev^chd Ne pouvant avancer pour le
moment, Diego avait assur^ ce qu'il avait gagne. II en profite pour
achever le cloitre et les dependances de la cathedrale. Afin d'eviter
les querelles de presdance, le pape Honorius envoy ait en Espagne
des l<5gats " a latere," ainsi que ses pr^d^cesseurs avaient pri^
rhabitude de le faire chaque fois qu'ils avaient a s'y faire representee
Lui-m^me mourut sans avoir donn^ suite a la demande de Diego
de lui corif(6rer le vicariat pour TEspagne entiere. N^anmoins Diego
re^oit bien les envoyds du pape ; les bons offices du roi, toujours
a court d'argent, lui dtaient acquis par un engagement plus ou
moins volontaire de verser k I'avenir une contribution annuelle de
cent marcs d 'argent : ce fut une lourde charge, mais la paix,
ses privileges nombreux et importants, bref la realisation de ses
ambitions etaient k ce prix.
II avait done rdussi k faire respecter son autorit^ par les gens
des villes et des campagnes, qui sans cesse I'insultaient, lui et ses
pretres ; ensuite par les grands qui subissaient avec repugnance la
puissance de Tarcheveque et ne pouvaient plus piller les marchands
anglais et lorrains ; enfin par les moines de certains monasteres,
qui menaient une vie d^sordonnee dans leurs saintes maisons.
Mais la tranquillity et Tordre n'6laient qu*apparents. Les
Sarrasins inquietaient de nouveau les cotes de Galice ; Diego
fait construire a grands frais un puissant navire de guerre et
les chasse. Puis une querelle s^rieuse avec son tresorier delate ;
celui-ci devenu chancelier du roi pretend tenir cette dignite du
souverain ; I'archev^que le ramene k la soumission et assure
ainsi son influence dans les affaires politiques du royaume.
Etudes compostellanes. 105
II sacre les ^v^ques d'Avila et de Salamanque ; il releve Tancien
siege d'Jria ; enfin il se croit de force, cette fois, k s*opposer
r^soliimment aux pretentions de Tarchev^ue de Tolede qui
v^nait de s'arroger le droit de sacrer I'eveque de Ldon.
Cette p^riode de la carriere de Diego merite que nous nous
y arretions un moment. Elle est importante pour notre question.
Au debut Innocent cherchait Tamitie de Diego. Son int^rdt lui
conseillait d'dcouter les revendications d'un pr^lat auquel ses
prdd^cesseurs avaient fait certaines promesses et qui pouvait
k tout moment acheter, s'il le fallait, Tappui de son souverain.
Emu "impensa et xeniis," il lui accorde d*abord la confirmation
des vceux que les rois, certains princes et d'autres fideles avaient
faits k Tapotre pour la remission de leurs pech^s et pour le salut
de leurs limes ; puis il proclame la complete et perpdtuelle
autonomic de T^glise de Compostelle pour le reglement des
affaires interieures en cas de vacance du siege archidpiscopal, telle
que Tempereur-roi Tavait garantie k Diego. Dans une lettre fort
aimable dat^e de Chalons, il promet a son ami de prendre en
consid<5ration ses " prieres en tant qu'il serait en son pouvoir
et de son devoir." De son cot^, Diego n'oublie pas de maintenir
dans leurs bonnes dispositions le patriarche de Jerusalem, I'abb^ de
Cluny et les cardinaux. Au 16gat d'Innocent il donne dix marcs
d'argent et un "solamen" de vingt marcs pour Sa Saintet^,
"necessitates .... multiplices Dni. Papai considerans eiusque
angustiis opportune subvenire desiderans." II oblige le cardinal
Humbert qui lui avait recommande un neveu, "lequel," avait
^crit le cardinal, "pourrait bien un jour se rendre utile d lui et
a son eglise." Quand I'antipape Anaclet essaye de le detacher
d'Innocent, Diego refuse, quoiqu'il n'eftt re9u jusqu'alors de
celui-ci que des promesses et des demandes de prouver son
attachement a TEglise " per exhibitionem operis." N'^tait-ce
pas de celui qui lui devrait le plus et dont la cause lui semblait
la plus canonique, qu'il pouvait attendre la realisation de ses
ambitions? Puis la faiblesse du Souverain Pontife faisait parfois
son avantage; quand le papc refuse, il opere sans lui et par
Tintermediaire du roi. Ainsi il cesse de disputer le titre de
cardinal-primat a son collegue, mais il en exerce en quelque
sorte les fonctions. Uelection de Teveque de Salamanque en 11 34
montre bien quel dtait alors T^tat des choses. Le clerg6 et le
peuple de Salamanque proposent leur candidat ; Tempereur, le.
cardinal envoyi de Rome et Tarcheveque de Tolede Tacceptentj
I06 ' jfexUDES COMPOSTELLANES.
et'ce dernier ecrit "Domino Didaco Compostellano MetropoliUe^^
pour lui rendre compte de T^lection et pour le prier "ut istum
[scil. r^lu] suscipiatis et, quae nobis — ^s'il ne faut pas lire »obis
c'est a dire a Diego ut metropolitae emeritano ; rarcheveque de
Tolede fait done abandon de cette formalite en faveur de Diego —
incumbit necessitas, ordinetis et consecretis." Diego 6tait satisfait
de cette prerogative qui lui permettait d'officier en grande pompc
devaht les dv^ques d'Espagne. " Renvoyez-le," dcrit le roi en
lui mandant d*ordonner et de sacrer T^lu de Salamanque, "car
vous nc devez pas peu vous rejouir qu*il s'attarde in coUegio
vestro." Peu apres les chanoines d'Avila et de Saragosse demandent
^ Diego par rinterm^diaire de Tempereur-roi, du cardinal a latere
et des autres archev^ques et pr^lats de sacrer leurs ^vdques
elus. Giraud n'a done pas completement tort d'appeler son
maitre en 1138 "caput Hispaniae," titre qu'ilatt^nue toutefois en;
ajoutant "et suorum episcoporum sibi suffiagantium principem/*
En adoptant la politique du fait accompli qu*il pouvait se creer
par ses prppres moyens, Diego continuait toujours, quoique avec
moins d*insistance, ses efforts pour obtenir les titres officiels par
bulle du Saint-Siege. En 1 134 Innocent s'dtonne que Diego ait
tarde " tan to tempore Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae ministrare
solatia." II Texcuse, le sachant " diversis occupationibus inretitum";
puis pour mieux appuyer Tappel a sa liberality, il le remercie des
"xenia" ant^rieurs et lui affirme : " magis etenim voluntatem quam
facultatem attendentes praedecessorum nostrorum inhaerendo
vestigiis personam tuam vera in Christo charitate diligimus et
Volumus honorare et, si qua forte emerserint, quoniam mundus in
maligno positus e§t et homines pravi sunt qui honori B, Jacobi vel
personae tuae cputrarie nitantur, nos profecto parati sumus et quae
ttbi adversantur apostolica auctoritate repellere ^t eos qui eumdent
locum B» Jacobi diligunt affectwne patema fovere^ II ajoute
c^ji^^ant : " Tua itaque interest ita in B. Petri servitio et amorc
persistere, ita te devotum et humilem B. Petri filium in omnibus
ekfiibere /// magis ac magis in tuis opportunitatibus exaudiri a Sede
Appstolica et honofari merearis'^ Le.Souverain Pontife dtait done
parfaitement au courant des craintes et des esperances de Diego*
Le. culte de Tapdtre comme patron d'Espagne et la supr^matie du
titulaire de Saint-Jacques, etaient loin d'etre reconnus dans la
Penmsule. Sans doute la reconnaissance officielle par le Saint-Siege
aurkit etd le moyen le plus effectif, mai^ le pape ne pouvait ni ne
voulait la proclamer ; tout cequ'il pouvait faire, c'dtait de promettre
Etudes compostellanes. 107
son intervention a roccurrence, autrement dit de laisser a Diego
line certaine latitude pour etablir lui-meme " Thonneur de Tapotre.*'
Les autres moyens qui restaient a Diego et qu'il avait
employes en attendant les " opportunitds," ^talent la propagande
puremcnt religieu<e par les pelerinages et la fusion des intdrets
de son diocese avec ceux du roi. Quant a la propagande,
rhistoire de Compostelle de Giraud n'est elle-meme qu'une
longue suite de preuvcs que Diego a su Torganiser et Texploiter
en maitre. Le Calixtinus est-il autre chose qu*un ouvrage de
propagande? Rien nc montre jusqu'a present que Diego ait
OHvertement patronne cette glorification un peu savante de
l'ap6tre, mais Tesprit qui animait ce premier champion de
St. Jacques y regne ; ra^me redig^e a Compostelle par un
chanoine devoue, elle n'aurait pu repondre plus cntierement
aux aspirations de Tarcheveque. Quand on relit apres le passage
cit6 de la lettre d' Innocent a Diego — elle est de 11 34 — les menaces
de Tauthentification : " excommunicans ct anathematizans auctori-
tate Dei patris omnipotentis .... illos qui ejus latores in
rtinere sancti Jacobi forte inquietaverint vel qui ab ejusdem apostoli
basilica postquam ibi oblatus fuerit injuste ilium abstulerint vel
fraudaverint '* — ces menaces sont post6rieures a 11 38 — , on
arrive de nouveau a se demander si vraiment Innocent n'a rien
su de la composition du Calixtinus. Nous ne nierons pas
qu'a un certain moment ce pape ait pu exprimer sa sympathie
pour un recueil en Thonneur de St. Jacques dans les mdmes termes
qu'il trou\'e pour assurer Diego de sa bienveillance. Peut-etre
memc I'a-t-il fait devant celui qui a concu le projet du Calixtinus.
Cet auteur n'a pu terminer son ouvrage, nous Tavons vu, que
quelques annees apres 1135. II a dii dire a Compostelle que le
pape avait approuv6 son idde Mais s*il avait depose son ceuvre
a Saint-Jacques avant 1 143 avcc ou sans Tautheniification, Diego
Tie sc serait-il pas senti autorise a en demander a Innocent une
reconnaissance officielle pour son eglise? Innocent aurait-il pu
la refuser? Comme cette demande n'a pas ete faite, il devient
certain que le Calixtinus n^tait pas achev^ du vivant d^ Innccenty
puisqn^il ne se trouvait pas a Compostelle alors, C*est la pr^cisement
que Thabilete du falsificateur du fameux document se montre
en defaut. II a des souvenirs assez precis sur Tauteur (?), sur les
donateurs et sur la donation ; il a Tair d'etre egalement au
courant des negociations entre Innocent ct Diego de 11 30 a 1140;
j'ose meme dire qu'il avait connaissance de la lettre dont nous
I08 ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES.
avons cit6 un passage. Ce personnage vivait probablement dans
Tintimite de Tarcheveque et, pour etre apocryphes, les renseignements
qu'il nous donne sur le Calixtinus ne sent pas necessaircment
tous faux. Mais il se trahit en faisant du cardinal Gr^goire,
neveu d'Innocent, un des signataires de son factum, afin de placer
la donation avant 1140. Or, nous savons par THistoria Com-
postellana que dans les annees 11 35-1139 Diego etait loin d*dtre
persona grata en cour de Rome. Autant que nous en puissions
juger, c'est vers 1135 que le pape etait le plus en faveur de
Saint-Jacques, et le falsificateur fait erreur en datant de 11 38
a 1 140 un document qui exprime des sentiments anterieurs de
plusieurs anndes. Mais ne peut-on pas avec les memes raisons
eonclure des donnees posees ci-dessus que le Calixtinus nai^ pas
M apport^ d Compt>stelle du vivant de Diego} La derniere
date exacte de la carriere de Diego que nous possedions est
le 17 Avril 11 39. Nous ignorons celle de sa mort. La liste
des eveques de Compostelle ne mentionne un successeur qu'en
1 1 52. Nos recherches pour retrouver quelques documents sur
cette epoque obscure de Thistoire du diocese entre 11 39 et 11 52
sont demeurdes sans resultat jusqu'a present, Cependant les
evenements jusqu'en 11 39 font pr6voir que la disparition de
Diego mettrait en question Toeuvre de sa vie, et les rares
details que nous avons sur la periode apres 1152, scmblcnt
confirmer qu'cl la mort de Tarcheveque Tenthousiasme pour
Tapotre etait en grand danger d'etre etouffd par les difficult^s
int^rieures. Les pelerinages, surtout ceux de TEtranger, ^taient
devenus difficiles' et rares. Le *^ Calixtinus " etait*il*destin^-a les
remettre en vogue? Dans Tid^e de Tauteur de Tauthentification,
sans doute ; mais cela ne prouve pas que le recueil ait ete apporte
k Compostelle apres 11 52 ou m^me apres la mort de Diego.
Ses souvenirs precis, surtout Tallusion aux rapports cordiaux
entre Innocent et Compostelle, nous obligent de rapprocher la
composition et la donation du volume plus pres du regne
d'lnnocent que de 1173. Sa lettre appartient a une epoque oil
le culte de St. Jacques est menac6, c'est a dire posterieure a la
mort de Diego ; Touvrage-meme qu'elle doit authentiquer ne pent
done appartenir qu'an regne de Diego dont il respire Tesprit, et plus
particulierement aux dernieres annees, alors que I'archev^que, plus
fort de I'appui de son souverain que de la faveur du pape, se
consacrait uniquement a son eglise. L'auteur de Tauthentification
est un des fideles que I'illustre vieillard avait associ^s a son oeuvre
ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES. IO9
et qui devaient la d^fendreapres.sa mort ; il I'a fait en essayant
de mettre en valeur le Calixtinus. Diego n'a pas voulu ou
n'a pas pu demander a Rome la reconnaissance officielle de cette
acquisition en I'honneur de St. Jacques, soit que la mort Ten ait
empeche, ou qu'il eiit des scrupules quant a Tauthenticite, ou enfin
— et c'est le plus probable— que la mort d'Innocent n'eut pas
rendu ses relations avcc le Saint-Siege plus favorables a une pareille
d-marche. Les pelerinages Strangers se multiplierent de 1130
a 1 1 40, grace surtout a Cluny ; par contre, les rapports entre
Compostelle et Rome depuis 1135 n'etaient point tcls que Diego
les edt desires. Tenace dans la poursuite de son but, il entretient
aupres du pape des ndgociateurs infatigables qui ne menagent
ni arguments ni prieres ni cadeaux ; il guette lui-meme tout
evenement de nature ci decider le pape a lui confier le vicariat
apostolique, Mais I'habile Innocent, passe maitre en I'art
d'econduire sans se creer des enncmis, prefere les negociations
longucs et subtiles aux changements brusques et radicaux,
II existait un semblant d'entente avec Tarcheveque de Tolede ;
Diego laissait a celui-ci le titre de vicaire apostolique pour
en exercer dans une large mesure les fonctions reelles, grace a son
&ge, a son autorite et a Tappui de son souverain. II denonce
pourtant son collegue pour avoir outrepasse ses droits en sacrant
Tev^que dc Leon sans mandat de TEglise de Rome et invite le
pape a regler la situation de I'Eglise en Espagne de fagon a prevenir
le retour de semblables abus de pouvoir. Si le pape consentait
a conf^rer le vicariat effectif a un eveque du pays au lieu d'envoyer
a chaque occasion un 16gat a latere, qui presque toujours s'entendait
avec Tarcheveque de Saint-Jaques plutot qu avec le legat titulaire
de Tolede, c'est a lui, Diego, que reviendrait I'heritagc du vicariat.
Mais Innocent repond qu'il fait droit aux reclamations dc son
ami "cum honore Ecclesiae: me basant sur les saints Canons,
j'ai suspendu de ses fonctions Tarcheveque de Tolede pour
avoir sacr6 un eveque suffragant de Rome ; le Siege Apostolique
ne veut pas priver de leurs droits les autres eglises, mais
il n'entend pas non plus perdre les siens. Aequanimiter ergo
fcrat tua fraternitas, si huiusmodi difficultatibus jus B. Petri
minuendo materiam ministrare non volumus." II faut admirer
I'adresse a debouter de sa demande un ami dont on a sollicit^
et dont on a accepte les offrandes. Non seulement Tinfortune
eveque de Leon fut rcnvoye k I'archeveque de St. Jacques
qui avait escompte Thonneur de sacrer son ancien chanoine,
iio ]£tudes compostellanes.
mais Diego dut comprendre que ses pretentions avaient • cesse
d'etre unc question de sympathie de la part du Souverain
•Pontife et qu*elles dtaient devenues une question de droit du
Saint-Siege. Le silence de Giraud au sujet d*Innocent jusqu'en
1 1 39 n'a d'autre raison, en partie, que la mauvaise humcur de
son maitre. II nous dit cependant qu'au plus fort des troubles
int^rieurs de 1136 Innocent ayait mand6 a Tempereur-roi
**ut archiepiscopum sicut apostolicum homiliter attenderet et
omnia in concilib secundum ejus consiliurri disponeret et remota
omni simulatione consilio et auxilid adjuvaret." Mais le fait
qu'en irjS, apres la mort du pape Anaclet, un legat a latere
vint en Espagne convoquer au concile de Latran (II) le baut
clerge d'Espagne "et praecipue D. Didacum Compostellanum
Archiepiscopum, caput Hispaniae et sudrum episcoporum sibi
suffragantium principem/' indique claircment que les vues du
pape au sujet de Kelevation de la metropole de St. Jacques
etaient definitives. Nous regrettons que THistoria Compostellana
s'arrete justement au point oil nous aurions le plus d'interet a
entendre cc temoin d6vo\x6 a la cause de St. Jacques sur les
rapports de son maitre avec Innocent. Mais nous pouvons
affirmer que si Tarcbeveque a persiste jusqu'a sa fin dans
son entbousiasnie ambitieux, Innocent, de son c6te, n'^tait pas
bomme a cbanger ses dispositions a I'egard de Diego jusqu*^
devenir le garant officiel d'une supercberie de propagande, quelque
sincere que celle-ci pCit paraitre aux fideles ; une fois debarasse
d' Anaclet (+ ii39\ il a, au contraire, accentue sa politique
vis-a-vis des eveques, et cette politique est bien celle a laquelle
Diego s'est beurtd surtout depuis 1135.
Afin de suivre Giraud jusqu*au bout de son Histoire, rappelons
brievement les circonstances dans lesquelles se ddbattait le
diocese de Compostelle a cette meme epoque. Diego n'^tait pas
un chef tendre et indulgent. Beaucoup de ceux dont il voulait
faire ses instruments, s'affrancbirent de sa rigoureuse discipline.
Un parti de mecontents s'etait forme au scin de son propre
clerge. Dans la ville elle-m^me et dans Iqs campagnes oil Di«go
regnait en souverain, on n'attendait que le moment favorable pour
protester contre les .lourdes charges que leur imposait I'ambitieux
pridlat " pour la glorification de Tapdtre." Diego savait ce que
pouvait Targent dans la lutte pour une idee et il en a rarement
manqud. Les envicux etaient nombreux parmi les autres prelats
d* Espagne. Le prince lui-meme encourageait par son attitude le
Etudes compostellanes. hi
mouvement hostile centre son parrain qui etait trop reste son
tuteur. Ayant toujours besoin d argent, il savait que dans le cas
oil rarcheveque refuserait de lui en fournir, il en trouverait chez
ses ennemis ; comme il ne voyait pas Diego soutenu par le pape
qui etait occup6 par le schisme de I'EgHse, il comptait pecher
en eau trouble. La revolution eclate en 1 1 36 ; elle d^passait en
fureur toutes les pr^cedentes revokes que Diego avait connues.
Ag6 et malade, il a le grand chagrin de voir son ^glise envahie et
pill^e par la populace, I'autel brise a coups de pierres : lui-meme,
blessd k la tete et soutenu par deux chanoines restds fideles,
n'^chappe a une mort certaine qu'en se r^fugiant derriere les
grilles fermees du maitre-autel. On voulait sa mort. Alphonse
avait accept^ les promesses d'argent des conspirateurs et restait
indiffi6rent. Le cardinal d^l^gu^ par le pape avait envoyd un
messager a Rome pour demander des instructions. Sauv^ par
quelques fideles, Diego se rend au concile qui fut convoqu6
a Burgos, pour soumettre ses plaintes au roi. Sans le message
interesse d'Innocent de respecter le venerable prdlat, sans une
courageuse explication "facie ad faciem," sans la promesse de
400 marcs d argent " ad placandum milites," Tempereur-roi
n'aurait pas facilement renonce aux avantages promis par les
rebelles. Quand la v6rit6 lui fut connue, il conseille a T^veque
de s^vir. Le pape, 6mu par le r6cit des atrocites, menace
d'excommunier les impies. Mais Diego donne Texemple de
Tindulgence et pardonne. II rentre a Compostelle ; Tempercur-roi
y vient quelque temps apres. L'archeveque lui fait une brillante
reception et obtient de son souverain de magnifiques cadeaux
et la franchise de toute contribution pour Tavenir. Les meneurs
sont punis ou exiles, leurs bicns confisqu^s ; c'est a peine si
Diego reussit a faire revenir le roi sur sa resolution de faire
p^tir tous les citoyens de Toutrage fait a leur eveque. La
tranquillit<5 ne se fait pas tout de suite. Alphonse lui-meme
" non minus aestuans amore pecuniae quam Crassus Dictator
Romanus" cree le premier de nouveaux soucis a I'archeveque
en lui defendant de n'ouvrir ** I'arca B. Jacob! " qu en sa presence :
c'^tait detruire le pelerinage et priver I'eglise de toutes ses
meilleurs ressources. De nouveau Diego parvient a " sedare
immensa pecunia imperatoris fauces aurum et argentum assidue
sitientes." Cette paix cherement pay6e a-t-elle ^te de plus
longue dur6e? Au moment oil s'arrete I'Historia Compostellana
Tavenir s'annon^ait peu rassurant. II parait cependant que les
112 iTUDES COMPOSTELLANES.
dernieres annees de ce long episcopat n'ont pas ^t^ trop troublfSes,
Le r^cit des malheurs de Compostelle avait reveille le zele de?
fideles au-dela des Pyrenees, et c'est (t cette opaque de tranquillity
relative et de pieuse sytnpathie de la part des fideles pour I'apdtre et
pour son vMrable Mque^ que fattribue I'arriv^e d Compostelle
d*un pan^gyrique dont le dernier livre est un guide d tusage des
pelerins.
STORIES AND SONGS FROM
IRISH MSS.
By Kuno Meyer.
I.
THE VISION OF LAISREN.
IN our forthcoming edition of various inedited versions of
Tundale's Vision, ^ Dr. Friedel and I have purposely refrained
from giving an account of early Irish visionary literature, and
from touching the question of its relation to that Continental
literature which culminated in Dante's poem. Nor do I propose
to do so here. The time for such investigations has hardly arrived,
since every search among Irish MSS. may bring new and important
materials to light.
The Old-Irish Vision of Hell, of which I now submit text and
translation to the reader, has not hitherto been noticed,^ and is
here edited for the first time. It is found in the well-known
Bodleian codex Rawlinson B. 512, fo. 44^: i -44^2. Like so much
of early Irish literature, it is only a fragment, containing no more
than the introduction and the beginning of what was undoubtedly
a complete -description of H^lLand Heaven. The MS. dates from
the fifteenth century, but from the language I am inclined to assign
the original from which our copy is derived to the Old- Irish period,
to the early tenth or the latter half of the ninth century. '
^ Versions inedites de la Vision de Tondale. Deux versions rran9aises et une version
irlandaise publiees par V. II. Friedel et Kuno Meyer. Paris. Emile Bouillon. 1899.
* It is duly mentioned by Stokes in his list of contents of Rawl. B. 512 {Tripartite
Li/e, p. xx), but the heading * Legend of Laisren ' gives no clue to the nature of the
co.itents.
* I am guided in this by the occurrence, among other things, of such deponential
forms as co n-acadtir (6), co u-aicedir (6), crithnaigistar (2) ; the /-preterites ftisrogart
(9)» frisgart (5) * he answered,* targart * he charged ' (4), targart * I charged ' (5), tairgairt
*thou chargedst ' (5) ; the relative form file (i), the neuter a tacra n-i sin * that charge^' .
(5)» tlie gen. fem. inna (7), the ace. plur. anmann (8), the superlative moam (5), etc.
8
114 IRISH STORIES AND SONGS.
Laisren is the name of several early Irish saints. The most
celebrated among them was the abbot of Lethglenn, now Leighlin,
CO. Carlow, who died in A.D. 638, and it is not unreasonable, in the
absence of any further particulars, to assume that he is the hero of
our Vision. The monastery of Cliiain mentioned in the introduction
may be either Clonmacnois or Cloyne. Where Cliiain ChAin in
Connaught was I do not know.
•
Rawlinson B. 512, fo. 44a I.
1. Feachtas luid Laisre;/ for slatr^d * o muintir Cluana do
glanad Chluana Cai;/, cell file a crich Connacht. Rodin tri tredna
la glanad na cille. I forciunh an tres^ tredain doforthrom coth/rf
fair isin derrthach, cu cuala trena cotl//^ in guth fris : * Atrai-su as!'
N/V/gluais an cetna fecht. Co cuala aitherrach in guth. Toocaib
a cenn lasod^/// acf/s dobeir airde na croichi dara gnuis. Co n-aca
ba solas ind eclais i mbai, dcus bai drechd di// aidchi beos. Acus co
n-aca in deilb n-etroicht et/> an crocaingel acMs an altoir.
2. Asheri an delb fris : * Tair amdochum ! ' Crithnaigistfir a
corp uili an clerig// o mullach co fonn lasin nguth n-f sin. Co n-acai
a anmain opunn co mbui for a mullach, acits ni fitir cia conair
dochoid asin churp. Co «-acai ba obeola ind eclais suas dochum
nime, co n-acai nangabsat da aingel et«/TU acus r^nuacabsat
isin adr.
3. Co ;/-aca iar«;;/ armar^ de.ainglib ara chiunn. Acus co
u-dLCCditar^ arbar aile do demnaib acus [ ]* tenntide impueib,
acus tene as gech ball^ robui inntib. Teora dealba doarfas do,
forsnahib demnaib. Dealb rodub for alaile dib, 2lcus gai boilggi
tentidi ina lamaib, acus dealb ciardub for alaile, acus saigde teintide
ina lamaib. Dealb mot[h]luch forsin tres lucht, acus find tentidi
trethu 3Lmat7 finn n-omthainn, acus jgoith tentide inallamaib.
4. Dogensat na [fo. 44 a 2] tri lina su tra aonergail catha dib
do chosnam na hanma frisna haingliu. Acus ^ doaccair oenfer dib
frisin anmain for oentacra fot a anala cen coemchlod n-innsce
a ndori/zgena do mignimaib o genair. Aidblidir lasin anmain
a, n-oentacrai sin ambit//® biet (sic), ac//j ni^^ w-erbart acht fir ac//j
nocha targart f/z/rri gach ni dorad a coibsena do anmcarait re ndul
a curp.
•
^ </ inserted over the line. ' tres tres MS. ' Leg. arbar.
* An leg. conaiccedar? ^ A word left out in the MS., perhaps fittna,
6 tall MS. 7 et MS. » An leg. ama/bid?
IRISH STORIES AND SONGS. 11$
5. Frisgart ZAiigel don arbar mor dar cheann da hanma don
deman aais asbert : * Tairgairt tra do tacra n-uili/ Ynsgart an
demon acus as ed asbert : ' Ni targart, ni targart ^.nas moam de/
Ynsgart aingel : * Ni//cumca-sa a tacra n-i sin, o darata a coibseana
aats a peinne doreir anmcharat re tuidecht a curp. Ercib * tr^/
ol an t-aingel, * ni fuil cuid duib isin fir sa/ * Mad fir briathar
De/ ol an daemon, *ni sceram an cruth sa, ar ni derna an fer sa
niiidin d^ amail doni///ar//grt/;- Dia d6, didsens : ^ nisi cotiwersi
furritis et efficiamini^ sicut paruuli,* non in;/trrt:bitis in regnum
celor«;;/.* * Is fir tfa briathar De,* ol an t-aingeal, *ar ni do* anad
Aodechaid an fer sa co demnaib, ar beraid robad reunn coa cheli.
Ascaigid uan tra^ ol an t-aingel. Foscuichsetar uada focetoir.
6. Asbfrt iar//;// aingel don arbar mor fi-isin da aingel bat^rr
imme : * Beirid tra an fer sa co n-aicedar if<?m.' Legar iar//;//
fotuaith fo glenn mar. Sirithir ^ leis co n-acadar am^/7 bid
o t'/rcbail greine co fuined. Co n-acadar fochlui mar am^// bid
beolu uama etir da sliab, co ristais iar n-uachtar. Tiagait isin
uaim cein mair, corrancatar sliab [fo. 44^1] mar n-ard ndub
ara. ciund for belaib an if/rn acus gleann mar i n-ocht//r an tslebi
sin. Edh mdns an glenda sin : lethan iar n-icht//r, coel iar
n-uachtar. Iss ed indsin dono dorus'^ an if/rn acus a erpbrtach
ind uaim.
7. Acus CO n-acai lucht inna innsea a fail dib i n-etail De
a corp. Robat<7r a medon an glenna acus eat oc cui. * Olc,
a De!' ol an a;/im. 'In duineba thanaic diar n-eis? ol atbibatatrt^r®
an tsluaig si uili diar n-eis an tan f(!7rsragabsam ' * Ni ed,* ol an
t-aing/^/, ' acht cech oen fail i n-etail De a mbethaid dit eis, iss ed
indso f^/'accat a n-anmain, acns as. airchenn ard ata, mani dernat
aithrige.' * Cest : in eber-sa * ol in fer, * fri cech n-anmain atciu
sund ? ' * Nato,* ol an t-aing^/, ' arnarbat derchaintech de. Apair
friu immorro denat aithrige, ar nach aon dogena aithrig/ie acus
forcennfa inti, ni bia asinn*-^ luc sa, acht biaid il-luc didanta ond
ulc sa, acus nambera a aithrige srcha. Ac//y da;/t?»anti bias
i firinde, as betha ft^raccai cein bis i curp acus as betha * na mbia,
mad feidil i firinne. Apair friu iairum\ ol ant aingel, *anti fuil
i firinne bad feidil innti, ar ni ba sir a n-innraidiu ^^ doib cofmsiti ec.
* Leg. ercid. * Leg. dicens. ^ tfratiamini M S.
* paiuali MS. * A space left vacant after c/o for about four letters.
* Siiith (end of line) irithir MS. ' dori/ja MS.
*. Leg. atbebatar. * Leg. isind. ^" An leg. a n-imraiti ?
Il6 IRISH STORIES AND SONGS.
Inti da«^ fil i n-etail De, denad aithrige, ol arfoem Deia (sic) ind
aithrige mad o cride etail dognether, acus cungenaid trocaire
De fris/
8. Dolluid iarsin anam ind fir ind-if/m 'fadeisin .1. muir tened
CO n-anfad diaisneise acus cona thonnaib diaisneisi fair, hcus
atconnairc na hanmann isin muir sin for lasad acus a cenna uasa
uili, ite oc gol acits oc mairg cen cumsanad tria bithu. [fo. 44b 2]
Araile dona han;//aib acus cl6i teinntidhe^ tria tengtha fria cend
anechtair, araile dib tria cluasa, araile dib tr/ suile.
9. Atconnairc ddLtio araile dib acits a mbeoil obela aats na
demna oc a tairbert co ngablaib teinntidib fo chosmaili//j na tri lin
[n-]aile. - Accobair an fer co fessed decoir na pian. Frisrogart an
t-aingel focetoir ar cuma nofrisgaired an t-aingeal do menmannaib
acits imraitib : * In lucht atchi-siu tra a/sna, cluib teintidib triana
tengthaib .i. aes annsin naruo menic oc mol^d^ D6 nd oc a b^A/nachad
ac//j a adrad, acus rop menci hnmorro oc goi actis oc gol acus ac
br. . . ^ acus ethech aats ecnach acus rad uabair acus . . . . ' ^
Translation.
1. Once upon a time Laisren went presumptuously (?) * from
monastery of Cluain in order to purify Cluain Chain, a church the
which is in the territory of Connaught. He fasted thrice three
days while purifying the church. At the end of the third
three days' fast sleep overpowered him in the oratory, and in his
sleep he heard a voice saying to him : * Arise ! ' The first time he
did not move. When for the second time he heard the voice he
raised his head and made the sign of the cross over his face. Then
he saw the church in which he was, all alight, and yet there was
still a part of the night. And between the chancel and the altar he
saw a shining figure.
2. Said the figure to him : * Come towards me ! ' At that voice
the cleric's whole body from crown to sole shook. Then all at once
he beheld his soul (hovering) over the crown of his head, and knew
not which way she had come out of the body. And he saw the
church open above towards heaven, and two angels taking the soul
between them and rising into the air.
* teinntighe MS.
* Three or four letters illegible.
' Here, in the middle of the page, the MS. breaks off abruptly.
^ for slat ra{d), Cf. slatratu * presumption, ' LU. 35** 31. Laws, iii, p. 92, 21.
IRISH STORIES AND SONGS. 11/
3. Thereupon he beheld a host of angels coming to meet her.
And he saw another host of demons with fiery (hair ?) about them
and fire coming out of their every limb. On those demons he
discerned three shapes. Some had a very black shape, and had
fiery bulging spears in their hands ; others had a dark-brown shape,
and had fiery darts in their hands. A third number had a shaggy (?) ^
shape, and fiery hair growing through them like the hair of a thistle,*
and fiery javelins in their hands.
4. Now these three bands formed a single array of battle to
wrest the soul from the angels. And one of them, as long as his
breath would last, and without change of speech, charged the soul
in one charge with what she had done of misdeeds since she was
born. That one charge seemed as terrible to the soul . . . .'
and the demon said nothing but what was true, nor did he charge
her with anything of which she had made confession to a confessor
before leaving the body.
5. An angel of the great host answered the demon on behalf
of the soul and said : * Now hast thou charged thy whole charge.'
The demon answered and said : * I have not. I have not charged
the greatest part of it' The angel answered : * Thy charge can
do us no harm, since before leaving the body it has been confessed
and atoned for by penance according to the will of a confessor.
Be off,' said the angel, *you have no share in this man.' * If
God's word be true,' said the demon, *we shall not part this
way ; for this man has not made a little child of himself as God
commanded him, dicens : Nisi conuersi fueritis et efficiamini sicut
paruuli, non intrabitis in regnum caelorum.' * * God's word is
true,' said the angel, * for this man has not come .... to
stay with demons, for he will give warning before us to his
friends.^ Depart from us now ! ' said the angel. Forthwith they
departed from them.
6. Thereupon the angel of the great host said to the two
angels who were around the soul : * Now take this man that he
may see Hell.' Thereupon he is let down northward into a great
^ mothlach * rough, bushy, ragged,' O'R. in mnai mothlaig moir, LL. 214* 13,
ib. 118" 35.
2 omihantt, no^ fobhthan * thistle.' Cf. Corm. Transl., p. 182.
' Here the Irish is evidently corrupt.
* Matth., xviii, 3.
^ The translation of this sentence is doubtful, as something seems omitted in the
original.
11^ IRISH STORIES AND SONGS.
glen. It seemed as long to him as if he saw from the rising of
the sun to its setting. He sees a great pit as it were the mouth
of a cave between two mountains, which they entered above.
For a long time they went along the cave, until they came to
a great high black mountain before them at the mouth of Hell,
and a large glen in the upper part of that mountain. This was the
nature of that glen : it was broad below, narrow above. That cave
was the door of Hell, and its porch.
7. And he saw the folk of the island ^ whosoever of them were
when in the body, under the displeasure of God. They were in
the middle of the glen wailing. * Woe, O God ! ' said the souL
* Has a plague come after us, since all these hosts have perished
after us since we find them here ? * * Not so,' said the angel, ' but
whoever is under the displeasure of God during life after thee,
here do they behold (their) souls, and this is their certain fate
unless they repent' * May I speak to each soul whom I see
here ? ' the man asked. * No,* said the angel, * lest they despair.
Tell them, however, to repent, for whoever shall make repentance
and end in it shall not be in this place, but will be in a place
of comfort away from this evil, and his repentance will take him
past it. And again, he who shall live in righteousness, he sees
life while he is in the body, and he shall be in life if he is
steadfast in righteousness. Tell them also,' said the angel, *that
he who lives in righteousness be steadfast in it, for there is not
much time for them to consider ^ until death comes to them.
He, however, who is under the displeasure of God, let him make
repentance, for God accepts repentance if it be done from a pious
heart, and God's mercy will help him.'
8. Thereupon the man's soul went into Hell itself, even a sea
of fire with an unspeakable storm and unspeakable waves upon it.
And he saw the souls aflame in that sea, and their heads all above
it ; and they wailing and lamenting, crying woe without ceasing
throughout the ages. Some of the souls had fiery nails through
their tongues, which were sticking out of their heads ; others
through their ears, others through their eyes.
9. Again, he saw others with their mouths gaping, and the
demons compelling them with fiery forks like the other three hosts.
The man desired to know the difference of the torments. The
^ i.e. Ireland.
' Lit. * their considerations are not long.'
IRISH STORIES AND SONGS. II9
angel answered at once, in the way that the (guardian) angel has
(always) answered thoughts and reflections. * The folk whom thou
seest with the fiery nails through their tongues, those are they who
have not often been praising God or blessing and worshipping Him,
but who have more frequently been uttering falsehood and wailing
and .... and perjuring themselves and blaspheming and
talking vaingloriously and . . . . '
II.
THE SONG OF THE OLD WOMAN OF BEARE.
Even in my literal and often tentative rendering, the following
poem, which is here edited for the first time, must appeal to all
lovers of mediaeval poetry. It is the lament of an old hetaira who
contrasts the privations and sufferings of her old age with the
pleasures of her youth, when she had been the delight of kings.
When some years ago, in my edition of the Vision of Mac
Conglinney I published two or three stanzas of this poem, several
reviewers pointed out the great likeness between the Irish poem
and Villon's Regrets de la Belle Heauliniere ja pjrventte d viellesse.
This is not the only instance in which the genius of French
literature has been anticipated by that of Ireland.
It is a great pity that this poem, which is undoubtedly of
considerable age — perhaps of the eleventh century — should have
reached us only in two late copies of the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries. They are both found in the Trinity College codex H. 3. 1 8,
on pp. 42-43 (vellum) and 764-765 (paper) respectively. Fortunately
the two copies are independent of each other. It is easy to correct
a good number of the scribes* mistakes, who were no longer
able to fully understand what they were copying. A good
example of the errors to which they were liable is found in the
9th stanza, the second half of which reads thus on p. 43 (^H) :
nidat fiii turcbail taca. siias \.ar m^rca coema,
while instead of taca p. 765 (//) has taclia. There can be no doubt,
I think, that the line should be restored as follows :
nfdat fiu turcbiil taccu. siias tarna maccu c6ema.
120 IRISH STORIES AND SONGS.
with internal assonance between taccu and maccn} The old
word taccu^ * I declare/ was no longer known to the scribes,
who substituted taca^ * a tack ' or * nail/ and tacha^ * scarcity/
respectively. But there remain a good number of difficulties
which are not so easily solved, and I regret that I cannot offer
the reader a wholly reliable or even intelligible text throughout.
Nor have I been able to understand all the allusions and
proverbial expressions with which the poem abounds.
On the mythical personage of the Caillech Berri ^ I refer the
student to my notes in the Vision of MacConglinne^ pp. 131- 134
and pp. !?o8-2io.' Stories are still told of her in Ireland,* and,
as Whitley Stokes points out to me, in Scotland a proverb is
ascribed to her.*
^ The same assonance occurs in the following quatrain in the Brussels MS. 5100-4,
fo. 87^ :
Is b^s do mac D^ taccu, ni sraiglend a lesmaccu :
meic neich eile nocho n-oirg, acht a mheic fein nostimairc.
// is the custom of the Sou of God, I declare^ that He does not scourge His stepsons:
The sons of anyone else He does not strike^ but His own sons He chastises.
Also in LL. 149*^ 45 :
Cech ri nad choisc a maccu, iss ed arbi de taccu.
^ Berre, gen. Berri, dat. Berriu, now Bearhaven, co. Cork.
* Here, on p. 210, I have confused the mythical Fothad Canainne with the eighth-
century poet Fothad na Canoine. That the fonner was one of the Caillech Berre's
lovers appears also from the title of a lost tale in the list of gndthscila^ edited by
D'Arbois de Jubainville, Essai d^un Catalogue de la Littirature E'piquCf p. 263 : *Serc
Caillige Berre do Fhothad Canainne.' In LB., p. 89 marg. inf., in the Stowe MS. 992,
fo. 47<i marg. sup., and in the Brussels MS. 5100-4, fo. 89^, the following quatrain is
ascribed to the Caillech Berri :
Atamtha-sa tormach ruisc. feige ni thuband (na dibhdann Br,) fri ni :
in oen (a haen St.) andarlim 's a do. a do andarlim *s a tri.
I have an in&i'ea^e of sight^^ a keehness^ that does not
One seems to me to be two^ two seems to me three,
* The modern quatrain quoted on p. 132 is known in co. Armagh in the following
form, according to a kind communication of Mr. J. H. Lloyd :
Mise an Chailleach Bhearach bhocht. is iomdha olc a chonnaic me :
Sliabh gCuillinh ma's drd an cnoc. chonnaic me 'na ghlasghoirt e.
The modern stories printed on p. 132 have since been published in a more correct
form by the original collector, Mr. D. O'Foharta, in his Siamsa an Gheimhridh (Dublin,
1892), pp. I16-118.
* Chuala mi 'chubhag gun bhiadh am bhroinn,
Chunnaic mi 'n searrach 's a chulaobh rium,
Chunnaic mi 'n tseilcheag air an lie luim,
'S dh'aithnich mi nach rachadh a' bhliadhn' ud leam.
See Nicolson's Gaelic Proverbs^ p. 144.
IRISH STORIES AND SONGS. 121
H. 3. 18, p. 42.^
Sentane Berre, Digdi a ainm, di Chorco Dubne dl .1. di Uaib
Mate lair-Conchinn. Is dib da«£? Brigit mgen I^^tain. Is diib
dono Liadain hen Chuirithir. Is dIb Aono Uallach itigen Muineghain^
YorkcdJih Finan q.^ d5ib nl biad cin cd^Wig n-amra h-ain dIb.
Is de roboi C^WWh Ben^e fuirrG : coica, dalta dl a mBen-i. S^cAi
n-ais n-aited ^ a ndechaid co d[t]eged cech fer ec crine uade, comt/?r
tuatha 7 chenela a hui 7 a larmui 7 zet mbliarf^^;/ di fo caill^ larna
senad do Chuiminiu * for a cend. Dosnanic-si aes 7 lobrae larom. Is
and asrubart * sii.
Translation.
The Old Woman of Beare, Digdi was her name. Of
Corcaguiny she was, i.e. of the Ui Maic lair-Conchinn. Of
them also was Brigit, the daughter of lustan, and Liadain, the
wife of Cuirither,® and Uallach, the daughter of Muinegan.''^
Finan® had left a prophecy for them that they should never be
without a famous illustrious woman of their race. The reason
why she was called the Old Woman of Beare was, that she
had fifty foster-children in Beare. She had seven periods of
youth one after another, so that every man who had lived with
her came to die of old age, so that her grandsons and great-
grandsons were tribes and races. For a hundred years she wore
the veil which Cuimine ^ had blessed upon her head. Thereupon
old age and infirmity came to her. 'T is then she said :
* This introduction is not found on p. 764 {h),
- The MS. has the ordinary compendium for Latin qttody which is sometimes used to
denote Irish cod^ as in codlad. What its meaning may be here I cannot guess. From
the context a word WVtfditsine or r//, * prophecy,* seems required.
=* 2\i\iedh MS.
* qimi//iu MS.
* ant isrubard MS.
^ A poetess [ban-eicfs) and the heroine of the tale Comracc Liadhaine ocus Cuirithivy
copies of which are in H. 3. 18, pp. 759-761, and in Harl. 5280, fo. 26/7.
' A poetess who, according to the FM., died in A.D. 932. Her father's name is
Muimnechan in the FM.
® The name of several saints. Which is meant I know not.
^ Probably Cum mine Fota, Bishop of Clonfert, who died in 661.
122
IRISH STORIES AND SONGS.
I. Athbe ^ dam-sae ' bes mara,
senta fomdera ' cr5an :
tuirsi oca ce dogneo,*'
sona ' dotset * a lodn.
Ebb-tide to me as of the sea ! •
Old age causes me *» reproach.'^
Though I make moan thereat —
Happiness ^ comes out of fat.
2. Is mf ' Caillech B//Te buoi,'
nomeilinn ® \6ne mbithnui '•" :
indiu tatham " dom seme,*'
ni melim *^ cith athlene.'*
I am the Old Woman of Beare that
was,
An ever-new « smock I used to wear :
To-day — such is' my mean state « —
I wear not even a cast-off smock.
3. It maine **
charthtfr ** lib, nitat " daine :
in inbaith im-marsam-ne '^
batter d6ini carsam-ne.''*'
It is riches
Ye love; it is not men :
In the time when we lived
It was men we loved.
4, Batter inma[i]ne daine
ata maige '" imariadam '^ :
ba maith nomelmis leo,'-
ba becc nomatis iSLramr^
They were beloved men
On whose plains^ we would drive
about :
'T was a good time we had with them^
Little were they broken afterwards.*
^ aithbe A,
' damsai //.
^ seannda fomdeara A,
* cia doneoa A,
* son Af sowa //,
* do taot M
" me A.
•* Berrao baoie A,
^ domel- A,
*^ mbithnaoi A.
" tathaem A,
*2 doseimed A,
" na melain/i //,
** gidh aithleine A,
'* maoine A,
*• cartar A,
^^ nidat daoiene^.
^^ isin inbaidh marsumne A, marsam//r ^.
^ carsuimne A, carsamwr //,
^ moighe //.
^^ ima riedam A, madriadani J/,
'* leoa A,
^^ nomaoidis iaramh A.
• With d/s mara compare ^ bis lugat\
* in the manner of an oath,' RC. x, p. 226^
1. 184.
^ fo-m-deroj with inserted tn from
fodera^ Mt causes it,' as if that, and not
fofera^ were the radical form.
^ croan.i. cronughadh, O'Cl.
^ Literally * a happy one. * Somma
* wealth,' the reading of H^ seems to give
no sense.
« bitA-mUj 'ever new.' Cp. tenga
bAitAtnia^ Lism. Lives, p. xvii.
' tatAam^ * there is to me. ' Cp. iatAum
.1. atd ociitHy H. 3. 18, p. 79fl. iatAum
domna brdin, * I have cause of sorrow>»
LL. 192^ 48.
8 siime, f., 'slenderness.* Cp. ar mu
simi'se^ gl. pro ipsa mei adtenuatione^
Ml. 22** I.
^ Perhaps mMge {mdigS) is the correct
reading, as this would give internal asso-
nance with daine.
' i.e., her lovers were none the worse for
her embraces.
IRISH STORIES AND SONGS.
123
5. Indiu tra cain ^ timgarat
ocus nl mor nondaithed ' :
cTasu ' becc donidnaiged,
IS * mor a rait * nomaithed.
6. Carpait luaith
ocus eich dobertis buaid,
roboi deni/j tule* dib,
hennacht ar rig roda uaid.'
7. Toch£i/r' mo chorp co n-aichre
doc[h]um adba diar* aichne ® :
tan hus mithig *® la m^rc nDe "
dote " do breith a • aithne.'*
8. It e cnamacha coela
6 dodechar '• mo lama,
ba hinmainiu tan gnitis,*®
bitis im rlgu rana."
9. O deect<?r '« mo lama,
ote " cnamacha Ccela,
nidat ^ fiu turcbail, taccu,*'*
siias tarna •- maccu '* coema.
But to-day they ask fair
And not much reward would there be : *
Though it be little that would be
granted.
Greatly would they be broken.
Swift chariots,
And steeds that would win the race,
Their day of plenty has been,
A blessing on the King ....*'
My body with bitterness has dropt
Towards the abode that is known : ^
When the Son of God deems it time
He will come to deliver His command.
My arms when they are seen
Are bony and thin :
Once they would fondle,
They would be round glorious kings.
When ^ my arms are seen.
And they bony and thin,
They are not fit, I declare,
To be lifted up over comely youths.
* con ^.
* n<7//dathed If, nondaiteth h.
* ciasa ////.
* as //.
® dean//j tuile h.
^ 1)en//s} ar an ri da uait h,
^ tocair H,
^ diarachne H, dia raicne /t.
0 mithid ff, //.
\ de h.
2 do de //.
•* om. h,
* athne f/.
* o dectar H,
® ba hmmain tan dognidis h.
" anaa //, ranse h,
^ Oon lo decar h.
» ite //.
50 nidot h.
" taca Hf tacha /i,
25 iarH.
*^ ni^^ca Hi h.
• I take nO'H-d-ail/tedy * which would
requite it,' to be the secondary present
(impersonal) oi aithi/n, * I requite, reward,'
with infixed relative n and d (3sg. neut.)«
Cp. aratidiithiUts\s^m di maith, * that they
might requite it with good,' Wb. 21'* ii.
P'or the use of aithim in a sexual sense
compare cia aithd a mnd ? * whom do
their women reward ? ' LU. 114'^ 4.
^ roda liaid is obscure to me, nor can
I make anything of the reading of h.
^ In spite of the division of words in
/i I take diaralchne to stand for diar{b)
aichne, which would give initial assonance
with adba,
^ With 6n id, * from the day * = * since,
when,' the reading of h, compare : an id
atathaia n-oenbaiie, MR., p. 62, 1. 2.
1^4
IRISH STORIES AND SONGS.
10. > It falte na hingena '
6 thic doib co beltene :
is d^Mb/riu dam-sa hron,
sech am trog am sentane.
11. Nl feraim cobra mills,
nl marbtar muilt dom ^ banais,
is b^c * is llath mo trilis,
ni llach droch<-aille » t^irais.*
12. N I hole lim
ce' beith® caille® finnform c[h]inn :
bai mor mether '° cech datha
form chinn ic 61 daglatha.**
13. Nimgeb '* format frisnach '* sen,
igge " nammd fri kmen '• :
mesi '• rommelt " forb^ *^ sin,
bude be us barr fern en.
14. Lia na rig hi Femon,'*
. cathair-^ Ronain i mBregon,
cTan '* 6 rosiachtsat sina '"
al-lecne ^ *na '* sencrlna.**
The maidens rejoice
When May -day comes to them ; •
For me sorrow is meeter,
For I am wretched, I am* an old hag.
I hold no sweet converse,
No wethers are killed for my wedding,**
My hair is all but grey.
The mean veil over it is no pity.
I do not deem it bad
Though a white veil should be on my
head :
Many cloths of every hue
Were on my head when drinking
good ale.
No envy seizes me against anyone old,
But only against woman :
As for me, old age*= has consumed
me,**
While women's crowns are still yellow.
The Stone of the Kings on Femen,«
The Chair of Rondn in Bregon,'
'Tis long since storms have reached
Their gravestones that are old and
decayed.
^ /i omits this quatrain.
' hingina J/,
* as beacc A.
'^ drochaill^/^.
* taris A.
' cia A.
8 htfA //.
9 calle /f,
^^ metar A,
^^ deghlatha A.
*- nimgab A.
^^ ris nach A. ^* inge A,
^^ feam^en A. ^^ misi A.
^' romelt H, rom meilt A,
»" forbuid H, forb- A,
^® feamean //. "^^ kair H.
^^ cien A, *' siona A,
-^ illeicne A, ^4 ^^ /^^
** sencrin//a //, A.
• Literally : * when it comes for them to
May-day.*
*> banais, f., ex *ban-feis,
« Literally, * end * {forba), viz. of life.
Compare cur bain sean fri forba mo betAad,
Wi., s.v.forbe,
^ I take sin (ace. fern, of sen) as the
predicate of rommelt,
^ A well-known plain in Munster.
f Bregon, or Mag Breguin, a plain in
the county of Tipperary.
IRISH STORIES AND SONGS.
125
15. Is labar tonn mara nidir,^
rusgsih ^ in gaim comgabail :
Fermuid ' mac * Moga indiu
ni fr^scim * do ch^ilidiu.
16. Is eol dam in dagnlat ' :
rait ocus darraat ^
curchasa ' Atha Alma,
is ^ fuar in adba hi faat.
17. Is mo la **^
nat mair n5idiu imari ^^ :
testa mor mhXiadaft dom c[h]ruth,
daig fo/Toimled mo c[h]//luth.
18. Is mo D^
dam -sa indiu ce ^* be de :
gaibthi ^' m' etach cid fri gr^in,"
dofil aiss " dom ait[h]gen f^in.^»
19. Sam aited ^' ir-rabaraar
domelt cona fogam»r :
gaim-ais bades ^^ cech duine
dommanic " a fochmuine.
The wave of the great sea talks aloud,*
Winter has arisen :
Fermuid the son of Mugh to-day
I do not expect on a visit.
I know what they are doing :
They row and row across
The reeds of the Ford of Alma,-—
Cold is the dwelling where they sleep.''
Tis*Ohmyday!*
That not a child remains that rows
about :
Many years are lacking to my shape,
Since my vigour has been consumed.
'Tis*OhmyGod!'
To me to-day, whatever may come of it.
I must take '^ my garment even against
the sufi :
Old age has come to renew me.
Youth's summer in which we were
Has been spent with its autumn :
Winter-age which overwhelms ** every
one,
To me has come its beginning.^
^ moir //.
' rogabh A.
' fer maith /i.
* mic /f,
» freisgim A,
® dognied A.
^ doriaad is do raad /i,
' curcuisi A,
^ as A.
»o lav /f.
*^ natmuir naoid- uma ra A, natmuir na
ted in marai //.
« ci //.
'■* gaibthiu //, gaibtem cdacA A.
" gren ^.
** aois A,
*• dam atgen fen //.
" Sioidfd A.
^^ gamaois baides A,
" domainic A,
* Lobar ^ * talkative.' Welsh llafar is
similarly applied to objects of nature, as in
Is'wyn's Dyjfryn Clwyd:
* pan fyddo'r fro yn llafar gan bercriaeth.*
^ This stanza seems to contain a reference
to some conception of life after death.
*^ I take ^aibtAhi in ^ to be miswritten
for gaibtAiy the * participium necessitatis »
oi gabim,
^ Literally * drowns. '
*" fochmuine .i. ceidgheimhreadh, O'CI.
126
IRISH STORIES AND SONGS.
i20. Romelt * m' oitid ' ar thu[u]s,
is buide lem ' rongleos :
cid * becc mo leim dar duae,*
ni ba nu«e in brat * beos.'
21. Is alaind in brat uaine
ruscRr ^ mo rf * tar drumain :
is S£er in fer rodluaidi/*^
dorat 16a ^^ fair Tar lumain.*'
22. Aminecan ! mor uar dam ! ''
cech dercan ^* is erc[h]mide :
iar feis fri condlib sorchaib "
bith *• i ndorchaib " derrthaige !
23. Rombui ^* denus la rigu "
ic 61 meda. '" ocus fina :
indiu ibhim medcusr^
itir sentanaib crina.
24. Robat '* mo cuirn coidi« niidc, "
rop oc toil -^ De cecA am teirp : ^i
ocot gudi-si, '** a D^ bf,
dorata cro cH '^^ fri fe[i]rg.
I first spent my youth,
I am grateful that I am done with that ! *
If small my leap across ramparts,
Neither is the cloak new any more.
Delightful is the emerald cloak
Which my king loved over my back :
Noble is he who moved it.
He put flocks of wool upon it when it
was worn bare.
Amen ! ^- woe is me !
Every acorn ' has to drop.
After feasting by shining candles
To be in the darkness of a prayer-house!
I had my day with kings
Drinking mead and wine :
To-day I drink whey- water
Among shrivelled old hags.
Let my drinking-horns be cups of
whey-water,
Let me be doing God's will every
single ^ hour :
Praying to Thee, O living God,
My heart's blood has been turned to
anger.
- maoid/V/A.
* cediV:
' \ye/ts //.
' rig M
1 romilt M
' lim A.
* tar dua //.
® ba nua in brath //.
*" roscar /i.
^^ rot luaide //, rodluadi //.
" lai //.
^- luam/?/// //.
^* a mindeghain mo ruar damh /i.
^* nercai// //", gach dercaoin A.
** 6ainl/^ sorcha A.
^* mo beith A,
^' in dorcha /i.
"^ A omits this quatrain.
»^ riga iV. »' m7a //.
^^ cuirm caidh/« m/V/g A,
23 rob- toil A.
-* gar// vm terb A.
^' oc do guidhisi A.
-* dorat a cliucri A.
> rol> //.
• Or * that I have cleared it,' * that I am
clear of it. *
^ amififcdn is a diminutive of amen, also
found in Siiva Gadelica, i, p. 401, L 20:
ameudocdn {amindicen, H. 3. 18, p. 48'')
imrdidim
« dercan or dercu * acorn.* The form
dercaoin (A) seems to have been influenced
caoin * husk. *
^ terp (ferhb), * separate **? Or should we
read cecA antdrt ?
IRISH STORIES AND SONGS.
127
25. » Atciu f<£?mib/vtbr<7t[h]rachn-iois,
rogabh mo c[h]Tall mo togcLois,
hatha finn dsas * trim t[h]uinn,
as SLvnlatWA gi/rbam sentoinn.
26. Rucdii uaim-si ' mo suil dess
da reic ar thi * mbithdlles,
ocus rucad in tsiiil * chl^ ®
do formach a fordilse.
27. Trf ' thuil/
tascnat dii« Ard[a] Rude :
tuil^ n-6oc, i\\\\e n-ech^
Xm\e m\\chon mac Lughdech.
28. Tonn tul/
ocus in dl athbe ain :
in tab^i/> tonn tul/ dlt
hend tonn athfe as do laim.
29. Tonn tule
ocus in ail^ athfe,
domancat«r-sa uil^
condsi GolsicA a n-achne.
3c. Tonn tuile ^
nicostoir'"* socht mo c[h]uile :
cid mor mo dam fo dewe, '"
focres lam forra** uile.
^ /Vomits this quatrain.
^ afas A,
^ uamsi //.
* artir A.
* dilis //.
« cle A,
' A omits this and the two following
quatrains.
« ,t.//.
^ nicosar A,
^" budeine A,
i» orrtf //.
I see upon my cloak the hair of old age,
My reason has beguiled me :
Grey is the hair that grows through
my skin —
'T is thus I am an old hag.
My right eye has been taken from me
To be for ever forfeited,*
And the left eye has been taken
For better proportion's sake.**
<= Three floods of plenty
That come to the fort of Ard Ruide :
A flood of warriors, a flood of steeds,
A flood of greyhounds of Lugaid's sons.
The flood-wave
And the two swift ebb-tides :
What the flood -wave brings to thee
The ebbing wave carries out of thy hand.
The flood- wave
And the second ebb-tide.
They have all reached me
So that I know them welL'
The flood- wave
Will not reach "^ the silence of my
kitchen :
Though many are my company in
darkness,''
A hand has been laid upon them all.^
* Literally : * to 1^ sold for the purpose
of perpetual appropriation or forfeiture,'
evidently a legal phrase.
^ Literally : * to increase the forfeiture
of it.'
«= This quatrain is out of place here. It
is the opening stanza of a poem on Ardd
Rudi, the seat of the three sons of Lugaid
— Eochaid Mor, Rude, and Fiachu. It is
ascribed to Finn in LL. 206", and placed
in the mouth of Cailte in the A^allatnA
na SendracA (Sllva Gad., i, p. 104).
^ nico-S'toir^ 3 sg. of the j-future of
dorocAim.
« Cp. fo denii ind aide At sent, LU. 1 27" 19.
f In the darkness of her silent ' kitchen '.
the spirits of her departed lovers visit her.
128
IRISH STORIES AND SONGS.
3t. Ma rofessed * mac Muire
CO mbeith ' fo c[h]H mo c[h]uile,
cen CO ndemus ' gart chena,
nl erbart nach M duine.
32. Trog uile
dairib d'uilib, do duine,*
na deccas * a n-athfe se '
feib^ rodeccwj* a thuile.®
33. Mo tuil^ !
is *" maith co/troiter * * m' aichne "
rosoer ^"Isu ** mac Muire **
conaim torsech co haithbe.***
34. Ceinmair ailen mara miir "
dosnic tuile larna irdigh :
is m^ nl fresciu *^ domthf *^
tuile *'' tar eis aithbi."
Athbe .d. bes. m.
35. Is suaill '* m^wnotan ^' andiu
aratabraim-si •* aichni ^* ;
anf '® roboi *' for tuile
ataa uile for aithbe.'*^
A. d. b.
* marrofess //, mo rofess 7 A,
* comb 7.
' cin codearn//5 /f,
* trogh uile. trogh do duit duine A,
* na dechais A.
* in aithbe si A, se am, H,
' feiph //, feb H,
* rodechais h, • tuile h,
10 as //. " rofittir H,
*• mo aithne H^ maithne //.
i» ri soer H, 1* Isa H, h.
»* M///;ea //. i« athbe H,
*7 moir //. '8 fjr^scoi /^, fz-nsc ^.
19 dow hi //, dow ti //.
w duilif A^. 2» aithfe i iVl
** is uaill //. ** meandadan h.
'* aratab/vindse H,
. -5 aithniu ^, aigtiu /^.
'• inni H, '^ robai //.
'^ hennacht ar anr/m mic Mathgawna.
isaw t/'/awui/i. <7flW. //.
If the Son of Mary were known
To be under the roof- tree of my
kitchen, —
Even though I had never shown
hospitality,
I never spoke anything against anyone.
Wretched all !
. ... to all, to man, •
That this ebb-tide was not seen.
As I have seen its flood.
My flood- tide !
Well is my knowledge preserved.
Jesus, Mary's son, has saved me
From being sad at the ebb-tide.
O happy the isle of the great sea
Which the flood reaches after the ebb !
As for me, I do not expect
Flood after ebb to come to me. ^
There is scarce a little place to-day
That I can recognize :
What was on flood
Is all on ebb.
» This line seems corrupt in both MSS.
*» This line lacks one syllable. Perhaps
we should read /// tuile.
= Kern Ilk- Skciil, the
^ CalaloEVis, p. 192.
I30 THE CHIEF SOURCES OF SOME
I. (a) Wulfstan xlv. Sermo angelorum nomina (=A);
(6) 'homily in Cod. cxl, C.C.C.C. ( = B)J
II. Wulfstan xliii. Sunnandaeges spell (=C). and. xliv (=D).
III. Wulfstan Ivii. Sermo at populum dominicis diebus (=E).
I (a).
The heavenly letter, which constitutes the whole contents of
this homily, appears to be a member of what I will call the first
Redaction of Christ's Epistle on the Lord's Day.
Having played an interesting part in the Prankish Church
during the eighth century, it must have been brought into the
Anglo-Saxon Church either by an English missionary returning
from the Continent, or else by one of the many monks called over
to an English monastery. This may have happened still in the
eighth century or in the next, scarcely later. The chief question,
however, " Has the source of which the Anglo-Saxon Homilist
made use been preserved to us ? " can readily be answered in the
affirmative : it is extant as " Epistola SaWatoris Domini nostri
Jesu Christi" in the MS. 1355 (fourteenth century) of the Imperial
Library at Vienna (V).
Being hitherto unpublished, I shall print V in full, adding
some explanatory notes to the text as well as the noteworthy
deviations in the readings of A : —
Incipit epistola in nomine trinitatis salvatoris domini Jesu
Christi quae de celo in Jerusalem cecidit per Michahelem archan-
gelum. Ista epistola est inventa ad portam Effrem per magnum
sacerdotem cui nomen Ichor.* Ipsa epistola fuit relicta ibi et
5 ipsam exemplauit et transmisit ad Ermiam^ civitatem ad alium
sacerdotem nomine Talasium. Ipse Talasius transmisit eam de
Ebrea ciuitate ad alium sacerdotem cui nomen Lebonius* et ipse
Lebonius transmisit eam ad Capadociam civitatem ad alium sacer-
dotem nomine Juram, et ipse Juras transmisit eam ad Bethaniam
10 civitatem* ad alium sacerdotem nomine Marchabeus^ et ipse
Marchabeus sacerdos transmisit illam epistolam ad montem sancti
* To this group, as pointed out, the Homily in Otho B 10 would also have belonged.
' Achorius,
' Jeremiafu,
* Lebonum,
* ad alium .... Jucam-Bethaniam civitatem, om
* Machabittm,
k
ANGLO-SAXON HOMILIES. I3I
Michahelis archangeli et ipsa epistola per voluntatem domini nostri
Jesu Christ! pervenit ad Romam civitatem ad locum praedestinatiim ^
ad sepulcrum ^ sancti Petri et Pauli.^ Qui erant in civitate driduanas
1 5 fecerunt ; in vjgiliis et ieiuniis [et] in oratioriibus, ut pius deus
perdonasset eis auxilium et sertsum in corda eorum, pro quali iam
ista epistola in Jerusalem et in alias civitates venisset et per
ordinationem domini nostri Jesu Christi invenerunt, quia propter
diem sanctum dominicum advenisset.
20 Quia in die sancto dominico sedentes causas indicantes
lurantes, periurantes, olera in orto colligentes, pecudes mulgentes,**
molas ternentes,* venationes facientes ^ : propter hoc perit mundus
et propter hoc venit iudicium dei super populum cunctum prae-
sentem. Cognoscite, miserae animae, quia in six diebus fecit deus
25 coelum et terram^ solem et lunam, quattuor eivangelistas,^ mare
et omnia quae in eis sunt, praeterea hominem Adam plasmavit
de terra. Quia in die sancto dominico® requievit, et nunc sic debent
peccatores et iusti, sicut angeli requiescunt in coelo. Et rogo vos,
expurgate vos in vigiliis et ieiuniis, in orationibus ad ecclesias
30 meas ambulate, cruces per omnes ddmos aras ponite, caput cum
cinere spargite, triduanam facite, sicut liberabit vos dbminus.
Miseri populi, arguite vos, dirigite et eniite vobis regnum dei,
quia cottidie mors ante oculos vestros est. Suspiciosa non sit
epistola ista. Si bene feceritis, de manu inimici liberati eritis.
35 Et mando vobis per epistolam istam : si non emendaveritis et si
poenitentiam non egeritis et sanctum diem dominicum et com-
patratam' de sancto Johanne non observaveritis et decimas non
reddideritis, transmitto super vos lapides pendentes ponderibus®
^ ad locum praedestinatum, om»
' w^^flf (altar).
' et Pauli, om, ; A adds : and \h5 was aivriten mid gyldenum stafum,
* bntan heo (wif) ^a incolc for godes lit/an sylle.
• terenUs,
* hitnta^ to rideniie ne nan unalyfedlic iveorc to wyrcenne.
^ The nonsensical q. ei., which has no correspondence in A, I take as a mere
scribal addition.
• "5y seofo^an dcege\ cf. Exod., xx, 11 ; here the Anglo-Saxon preacher destroys
a reading which is of some importance for the history of the origin of these " Sunday
Epistles."
■^ and gif ge nella^ healdan \a godsibbratenne (=sponsorial obligations), \e
ge habba^for gode and for See Johannes dale begelene. This throws light upon the other-
wise obscure " compatratam," after which we should expect a noun like " obligationem.
The phrase apparently refers to the Sacrament of Baptism.
® and alcan hagelstan wege^ fif pund.
»f
132 THE CHIEF SOURCES OF SOME
et aquas calidas usque ad mortem. Ego vero dico vobis, quia
40 in isto mense Nouembri proximo ventuoso quia fuit sic, perire
debulstis, si deprecatio non esset sanctae Mariae virginis meae
et sancti archangeli Michahelis et sancti Petri apostoli mei et
sancti Pauli : per eorum orationes liberati fiiistis. Et dico vobis :
si emendaveritis et si poenitentiam egeritis, dabo ^ vobis frumentum,
45 vindcmiam et ligna pomifera et amplificabo vitam vestram et
vivetis in pace in seculum. Dico vobis, populi mei, fides accepta-
bilis permaneat in vobis et gratiam (sic!) dei orando, vigilando,
elemosinam dando, actus malos relinquendo,homicidium relaxando,
viduis et orphanis adiuvando. Filius, pater et mater inter se
50 mated ictionem tradent; ad penam sunt reversi cum igne ardenti
et exterminantur.
Et dico vobis ad ecclesias meas cum oblacione et luminaribus
ambulate et ibi lectiones divinas audiendo manete ebrietatem
fugiendo, maliciam, avariciam dimittendo, diem sanctum domini<
55 cum et compatratam de sancto Johanne custodiendo et decimas
reddendo.^ Haec diflinitio ante oculos vestros ut non sit
dimmittenda. Transmisi ad vos ordinationes quae apud tne
sunt dictae et non credidistis.* Conuiro vos, populi mei, per
Jordanem, ubi mihi sanctus Johannes baptismum tradidit, cum
6oo]eo et crismate unxit* me, celum invocavit; per ista sacramenta
vos conuiro, scripturam quam transmitto, ut credatis et ad ecclesias
meas conveniatis et ad sacerdotes meos confessionem faciatis.
Tendo arcum meum et aperiam sagitta mea (sic !), ut non pereant
peccatores sed peccata dimittantur. Sed revertimini ad me,
65 recordamini, populi mei, ut animas vestras declaratas accipiat
regnum dei/^ credite vero, quia Istam epistolam dominus noster
Jesus Christus de vertice cell misit propter diem dominicum
^ fo/i»e beo'S eow opene heofena geatu and ic sylle, etc.
' et compatratam .... reddendo, om.
* This corrects A ; lege and ge hym nylid^ gelefatt,
* Unxit me, }purhsfnyrede, and }ponne he se engel cwa^ to me **]>is is min leofa sunu
on \iem ic me wel gelicode^ gehera% him wel,"
* Tendo .... dei, and gif ge nella^ swa don^ \onne bende ic minne bogatty
and ic sende mineJlAn ofer eowy and ^onne fonoeorda^ synfulle men ; and ic sende ofer eow
fleogende nadran^ \a ^efreia^ eowre breost and eowre blcede^ \e ge big libban scylon, ac
\eahhwa*^e geceira% to me^ ge synfulle^ and forlceta^ yfel a, for^am fam ic mildsjende
eomy minum \am geireo7vum ; and heo onfo^ heofona rices ivuldre. V, therefore, appears
here to be shortened and corrupt in 11. 63-4.
\
ANGLO-SAXON HOMILIES. J 33
et compatrandam de sancto Johanne^ et propter deciiiiam *
non redditis. Amen, dico vobis, mitto super vos locustas et
70 brucos qui comedunt fructus vestros' et mitto super vos lupos
rapaces et canes malignos qui vos comedunt, et dico vobis, con-
vertam faciem meam a vobis et mittam in tabernaculis vestris
omnem maliciam et amaritudinem validissimam, et si [non] fueritis
ad ecclesias, ego indurabo et non adiuvabo vos et trado vos in
75 malignantium manus, quia non servatis diem sanctum dominicum-
Et rogo vos, ut in sancto die dominico caput non lavetis rieque
comas tondatis; si non custodieritis, anathemati eritis ; inmitto in
domibus vestris famem et tribulationem.
O increduli, quia istam epistolam misi ad vos et noluistis
80 credere, anathemata-erit anima vestra, quia mandavi vobis per
duas epistolas meas anteriores, ista est tertia. Si non observatis
diem dominicum, mittam super vos pustulas in faciem, in oculos,
in OS, in aures, in nares, et in omnia membra quae vos comedunt
usque ad mortem.
8$ Amen, dico vobis, propter vos crucifixus fui et resurrexi die
tertio.* Cognoscite, gentes insipientes, ego ipse mandavi super
omnes ecclesias meas per scripturas et libros, ut servetis diem
dominicum et compatratam de sancto Johanne^ et decimas
reddatis, quia ^ christiani estis, quia pagani non reddunt decimal
90 et me colere nesciunt, quia non sunt similes vobis.
Amen, dico vobis, necessarium est, ut custodiatis diem domi-
nicum et compatratam de sancto Johanne^ et decimas reddatis et
^ et . • • Johanne, o»i*
*. . . . y^at ge ageofan^a ted^tmge to godes cyrkan, fot'^am^ gif ge nellit^ hy ageofan
gode and his preosU^ he his min bro^or and min sunu ^a/n, iSe to me wendn^y and "^anty
\e hit forheaida^, beo he fram meandfram minum bebodum, ic sende^ etc. 1 his corrupt
passage is, in all probability, an original contribution of the A.S. Priest.
* Locustas .... fructus vestros, om»
* Here follows in A (p. 230, 11. II-31) a lengthy " dignatio diei dominici," with
which one should compare ch. xxvii of Alcuin's (?) Liber de divinis officiis (Migne loi,
1226 f.), and an almost identical passage in an homily of the Speculum ecclesiae
altdeutsch, ed. Kelle, p. 177, 1. 4, etc., and in a similar one printed in Zeitschrift fucr
deutsche Philologie, 1894, 148, etc. Cf. also Denkmseler, 3rd edition, ii, p. 169, and
A, Schoenbach, Sitzgslier. d. A. d. W., Wien, phil. hist. CI., Bd. 135, p. 132, etc.
* and \aftestendagaSy ^e men eow beodaiS to healdenne,
* fot^am \e ge fuUuhte onfengon ; and healda^ eoivre clannesse, swa ge geheton at
fnUuhtes btelSe ; andgebidda% me swa georne^ \onne eow becym^ yfel, fonne do ic mine
bletsnnge on eow, fe me bidda^, and fa ht^ettan etc.
^ et . . . Johanne, om.
^i
154 THE CHIEF SOURCES OF SOME
in die sabbati de hora nona usque lucescente die lune feriatis :
si non ciistodieritis, mitto super vos grandinem et vermes qui
95 cpmedunt fruges vestras, et monstrabitur * et non dabitur quia
decimam non reddetis ad ecclesias. Amen dico vobis, colligent
mulieres* holera in die dominico, mittam super eas serpentes
pinnatos qui lacerant mamillas usque in finem. Dico vobis, si
non custodieritis diem dominicum, erunt infantes nati qui non
looaudiunt neque vident ncque ambulant et sic pereunt Ecce^ iam
prophetavi vobiiJ, quia praeter banc non est ulla. et si mandata
mea custodieritis, omnia bona habueritis et si[c] revertimini
ad me.
Et si sacerdotes aut diaconi aut monachi aut clerici* istam
105 epistolam habuerint et non annunciaverint omni populo, anathema
erit anima eorum. et* qui audierint et non crediderint anathemati
erunt.
Epistola ista in Jerusalem cecidit et ad sanctum Pctrum
pervenit et non apud hominem ullum est scripta sed verbo dei
no dicta et septimo trono transniissa. Et certe credatis : si emendare
vos nolueritis, parati estis ad mortem, et sciatis, quia in isto mense
novembri proximo ventuoso iram grandissimam volo vobis mani-
festare, malitiam et amaritudinem transmitto super vos, flammam
ignis ardentis et vermes volantes. Et certe credatis, quia totus
Ii5mundus in ruina est positus. Et praeter istam epistolam alium
vobis non mittam,® et frequentius annuncietis super populum ut
omnipotens deus adiuvet illis.
Thus, no doubt, -A appears to be a translation of the V-form
of Christ's letter. A similar though perhaps not quite so close
relationship exists between V and B, the text of which runs as
follows : —
* ic sende ofer eaiv 7vyrmas aud fuhlas wedeitde ami \a fordo'^ eowre blade "^e ge bi
libban scylan^ and heo beo% eow aieowode (the monstrabitur of V ?), and ic sende hO^en
folc ofer eoio \e eow o/uima^ eowre ahte and eower iif and eowre wij and did, btUon ge \a
teo^unge syllan to godes cyricanfor tninum lufan. so^ is,
' ecce .... ulla, om,
* Only massepreost,
* et . . . . erunt, om.
* ne cym^ coiu nan o^erfrain me. andgelefa^ \issum gnurite \urh drihten sylfne and
\urh englas and. heahenglas for \ara mihle and anweaid, \urh heahjaderas and ivitegan,
\urh apostolas and martyres and confessores and \a halgan famnan and ealle Cristes )>«
halgan^ \(Bt ge fullice \ysnvfgewrite gelyfan, seo hith drihtne simle \anc ge \(ss ge eaira his
geofenay lof and louldor a in ecnesse a butan ende. amen.
ANGLO-SAXON HOMILIES. 1 35
Men |^a leof^tan.^ Her ongin^ ])aet halic gewrit \>e com fram
heofenan into Hierusalem. so^lice hit gefeol beforan ]?ani gaton
Effrem. and ])aer hit wses funden J^urh anes preostes handa, ])aes
llama waes achor.^ and he hit sende to anre o'Sre byrig to o])rum
5 preoste, j?e genemned is Joram; he his asende fram Bethania byrig
to o'Srum preoste, j?e genemned is Machabeus, and he hit asende
to monte Garganum, ])air sancte Michaelis circe is ])iaes heahengles.
So^Hce ])aet ylce gewrit ])urh Cristes willan ures ^ hlafordes com
to Rome to sancte Petres byrgene. ande eall ])a men )?e waeron on
lOj^am burgum ])aer ])aet gewrit to com, dydon j?reora daga faesten
and halic gebedu and aelmessan, J^aet ure milda hiaford heom fultum
sealde aad geopienode gewitt on manna heortan to oncnawenne
ures* drihtenes haelendes Cristes mildheortnesse. Eac his seg^ for
hwilcon l^mgum* J>is gewrit com to Hierusalem and to o'Srum
15 burgum J^us ges^tetocL and hit com on })one halgan sunnan daeg.
aiid-)>aet fbtc so'Slice budon j?one ylcan daeg to maersianne mid
micelre gecyrrednesse and geleafan.
On sunnan daeg nan man ne healde gemot ne ne demon
domas, ne a'Sas ne swerion, ne grindan, ne hlafas bacan, ne bicgan,
20 iie syllon on ])one halgan sunnan da^g, ne wyrtan on wyrtune ne
gaderion, ne nanne ne taelon, ne nane huntunge nubbon ; for ])an
so^lice jjurh ])as ])ing hrS \>es middangeard forworden and cymS
godes yrre ofer eow. Eala ! yrmingas, nytege ])aet god geworhte
heafenas and eor^an, sae and eal j?aet ])aeron is on syx dagum, and
25 sy'8'8an geworhte ]?one forman man Adam, and for his agaeged-
nesse fif ]?usend arid twahund and viii and twentig geara rihtwise
and synfulle on helle forlet.® Crist com for us on J^isne
middaneard on ])eowan hiwe and micel for us ])olode and aefter
his aeriste to heofena rice rihtwise clypode.
30 Ic eow bidde and mynegie, abysegiaS eow ])a hwilcge ])aes
fyrstes habbon on eowrum gebedum and on faestenum and on
waeccan and on aelmessan and on mycelre forhaefdnesse eoweres
lichaman. Ga^ to cirican gelomlice and setta^ rode tacn geond
ebwer hus. and ic eow beode fylia'S Criste on axan and on haeran
» MS. M. >. I
' A letter erased between the A and r.
* wii/a ure.
* ure,
* J»//i. end of line.
* Cf. Cottonian jrib«A, 3, ibl..4i, and J-a eft aefter fon-fset si butu woeron on helle
Adam and Eua, for f ses gyltes mycelnesse fif Jusend wintra and twahund wintra.
\i6 THE CHIEF SOURCES OF SOME
35 mjd J?reora daga faestene, eal swa Niniuete dydon ]?aet ge ne
forwyrdon, ;.. !
Eala! yrmingas, ]>reaga'8 eovv and begita'S Cristes rice J?e
paw is gegearwod fram frym'Se middan eardes, for J?an ]>e
daeghwamlice dea^ gegearwa^ beforan eorwum eagon. and ic ky^e
40 eow jjurh J>is gewrit gif he nella^ eow gerihtlaecan and sunnan
daeg ne healda^ and eower teo^^unge getrywlice sylla^ ofeallon
J>am ]>e eow drihten ala^ned hafa^ (na ]>aet an of eowrum ^ geswince
^c eac ge agon eowerne craeft ealswa teo'Sian and of eaire eowre
cypinge and of eallum J>am jjingon J?ege aefre agan and on eowrum
45 flaisce j?urh forhaefdnesse eoweres lichaman) ; and gif ge nella'S
gelyfan, ge sculon ])olian micel wite on helle.
Drihten seg^'S and eow so^lice cy^ be J^isum bufan cwedenum
J^ingum j?e ge me ne aguldon:.do^ daedbote on J>issere worulde
and gif ge nella^ geswican and betan, ic asendae ceaferas on eowre
50 wudajs and gaershoppan on eowerne hwaete ])aet fornima^ eowerne
bileofan. and ic asende hearde stanas and o'Sre fela frecednessa^
and ic asende ofer eow haeSenfolc J?aet fornima'8 eow and eowre
beam, gif ge nehealda^ ])one sunnan daeg mid rihte ne negelyfa'JS
on me and on min bebod. and ic asende ofer eow hunger and
55 hreohnesse and byrnende ren and sweflenne lig artd fela ungelimpa*
and ic asende on eowrum mu])um and on eowrum nosum and on
eowrum eagum and on earan j^aege wyrrestan gnaettas and J?a
Ijeaettrode eow to amyrrenne. Ic eam so'S god and so^ ic eow
rsecge and J?us swerige ])urh me sylfne and J?urh mine halgan
60 englas Cherubin and Seraphin Jjaet min yrre cym^ ofer eow aer on
lytlan fyrste and fela freccdnessa synd gegearwod togeanes eow
and gcfyrn waere gif minre leofan moder ]?iiigung naere Sancta
Marian and sancte Michaeles and sancte Petres and J^aera XII
apostola. and so'Slice ic cow secge gif ge willa^ geswican eowre
65 yfelra da^da, ic geopenige eow heofena renscuras and ic syllc eowre
eorSan waestmbaernesse and genihtsumnesse andic geleuge eower
lif and ge beo^ libbende on ealra worulda world.
Ealalge mine getrywestan, ic secge eow J?urh wunige mid
eow waciende and gebiddende and aelmessan syllende and ealle
^oyfele daedan forlaetende, and aelc unriht haemed forfleon and aekne
mansliht forbugan. Healda'S mine, bebodu j?aet ge geearnian eow
Jaet ge habban calra halgena geferraedcne.^ .
* eower.
' geferrseddene.
(i^
ANGLO-SAXON HOMILIES. 137
Men J?a leofostan, fylia^ me and gelyfa^ on Jone daeg and
J^aet J?is gewrit is gesend of minre agenre mihte and of ])am ]?rym-
75 setle. Geclaensia'S eow fram eorum horwum synnum and geglenga'S
eowre sawle ])aet ge magon eow geahnian ]?aet ece Hf.
Wita^, la yrmingas, j^aet for eowre teo'Sunge \>e ge me
aetbrudon and for eower untimlican geswince ]>q ge dydon on
sunnan dagum and on Jam halgum freolsdagum, and for eower
go untrywleaste j>e ge ne heoldon ongean eowre frynd J>aet ^ynd
eower neheboras (!) and godsibbas and ealle geleaffulle * : ic ad^lgie
eower naman of j^aere liflican bee gif ge ]?urh daedbote nella'S
gebetan and buton ge gelomlicor eJowere cirican, secean and J^aer
underfon andetnesse and gecyrredn'esse.
85 So'Slice eower wif \>e ne wurj)ia^ j?one halgan sunnandaeg and
i>3, freolsdagas on geare, ic asende haeddran to slitenne heora
flaesc and hangiende to heora breostan and sucende hi ealswa
heora beam, hi to witniende eal for ]?aere unclaennesse. J?e ge ne
heoldon ]?one halgan sunnandaeg. and J?a cildra ]>e beo'S begiten
90 on sunnan niht and on \>3,m halgan freols nihtum hi sceolan beon
geborene butan eagon and butan fotum and butan handon and
eacsvvilce dumbe, for ])am ]>e ge ne heoldon mid claennesse ])a
halgan niht and ne wiStugan^ mid eowre tungan to cursiende.
and beo^ gemodegode on eowrum serude. Ic eow bidde J^aet
95 ge healdon j?one reste daeg faestlice. and ic eow beode ]>urh \>\^
gewrit ))aet ge ne wahson on J?am sunnan daege ne on ]>am freols*
dagum eower heafod, ne ne sceran ne efsian eower kx.
So'Slice, j?a ]>e ge hyra^ ]?as word and nella'S gelyfan, hi
beo^ amansumod. So'Siice ])is gewrit feol of heofenum into
100 Hierusalem and swa com to Rome to sancte Petres byrgene and
aeror comon twa and j^is is ])aet 'Sridde and aefter J?ison ne cynrS
naefre ma. Ge bisceopas and maessepreostas ky^aj? J?is gelomlice
eallum folce and senda% J^is gewrit geohd ealle scira ]>aet eal folc
hit geornlice underfoo and his gelyfan ])aet hit nis )>urh nanne
105 man' geworht, ac J)urh J>aes hehstan haelendes lianda gewriten.
and \>a, men J>e J?is gewrit habba^ and eow ky\>a!6, healda^ hi
and hi underfo^ mid ealre geornfulnesse and lufe and blisse for
cristes lufon for]>i se J»e underfeh'S rihtwisne on J»aes rihtwisan
^ geleafuUe.
* wilStuga.
ne an
3 nanu maen.
138 THE CHIEF SOURCES OF SOME
haman, he undeifeh'8 ])aes rihtwisan mede. and se J?e underfeh'8
1 10 witigan on ]>aes witigan naman he underfeh'S jjaes witigan mcde.^
Amen.
At the first glance we see that B and V belong to the same
group, but the differences between the two are certainly more
marked than is the case with A and V. In the prologue e.g. we
notice the omission of V, 1. 4, Ipsa to 1. 8, civitatem — perhaps no
more than a lapsus calami — whilst B adds the name of. the mons
Sancti Michahelis^ e.g. Garganum.
In the text of the letter itself B follows V very closely up to
!• 33f ^^it^ oculos vestros est. From here to the beginning of the
epilogue V, 1. 104, Et si sacerdotes, etc., B, although preserving
nearly* all the ideas set forth in V, shows them in a greatly
changed order, which arrangement, however, has ths advantage
of bringing those oft a homogeneous ^ nature nearer together.
Taking the details into' consideration, it can be said that the author
of B, whoever he was, thought it necessary to add to the restrictions
imposed upon the Lord's Day in V, " Buying * and selling, baking
bread, and speaking evil of one another" is strictly forbidden;
on the other hand he seems to find nothing amiss in kindling
a fire, or milking cattle, for he is silent on these points. The
reference of his authority to the creation of Adam (V, 1. 26)
makes him ejaculate " and for his transgression just and unjust
had to suffer in hell for 5,228 years, till Christ called the just to
Himself." He is more elaborate in the passage dealing with
tithe-giving'^ (B, 41-45). He singles not only Sunday but also
other holy festivals out as objects for the same high veneration,
and agrees therein with the other A.S. homilies mentioned in
note 3
The direct reference to November (V, 11. 40, 112) as the month
of the divine punishment has given way to the pithless phrase
"on lytlan fyrste" (B, 61). Of greater interest seems the passage
> Matth., X, 41,
' I only miss : V, 49, Filhis to 54, dimittendo ; 58, Coniuro to 60, invocavit ;
63, Tendo to 64, dimittantur ; 86, Coguoscile to 93, feriatis.
* Cf. e.g. B 47, Drihten to 58, atnyrrene^ where all the punishments scattered over
different parts in V are brought together in one place.
* Cf. Wulfstan, xxiii, p. 117 ; L., p. 272 ; lix, p. 308.
* Cf. Wilkins, Cone. I, p. 107, cii, De militia, • de negotio, de artificio redde
decimas .... (Caesarius of Aries, Migne, torn, xxxix, c. 2267},
ANGLO-SAXON HOMILIES. 1 39
B, 84-92. The fearful snake punishment is in V threatened to
those women who on Sundays gather vegetables ; here, to those
simply who neither honour nor "keep clean" this holy day or other
festivals. What is meant by " untlainnesse " the following passage,
" and ])a cildra," etc., makes sufficiently clear, whilst in V (1. 96, etc.)
there is no such connecting link, nor is the latter passage expressed
so definitely.
As it stands in B, it is just possible that this passage betra>'s
knowledge of the following passage in a Pseudo-Augustinran sermoa
(the 244th, de tempore^): "Ante omnia ut quoties dies dominicus
aut aliae festivitates yeniunt, uxorem suam-nullusagfloscat •" . , .
qui tunc concept! fuerint, aut leprosi aut epileptici, aut etiam
forte daemoniaci nascentur." It is very probable that this sermon
belongs, though not entirely, to Caesarius of Aries, who lived
in the sixth century, and indeed we find the same idea of conjugal
abstinence in the same century in France, brought forward by
St. Gregory of Tours, in his "De Miraculis S. Martini, libri iv,"*
wherein he makes us acquainted v.'ith the miserable case of just
such an unlucky child who was miraculously healed by St. Martin.
Again and again stress was laid on this restriction by the Mediaeval
Church, as is shown by the Council of Friaul, A.D. 796,^ or in the
famous " Responsa Nicolai I ad consulta Bulgarorum, A.D 866."*
In England it appears, as far as I am awstre, in the Penitential of
Bede {before 735),* and in 960 A.D. amongst the Canons under
King Edgar.^
^ Migne, torn, xxxix, col. 2300.
'^ Migne, torn. Ixxi, col. 951.
* Migne, torn, xcix, col. 301.
* Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, iv,^4>r'349, 63 Jcf. Mansi, torn, xv, p. 401).
* Spelman, Counc. 3, 329, 37.
* Wilkins, Cone, vol. i, p. 226, xxv.
L
THE CHIEF SOURCES OF SOME
II.
It has already been said that II has come down to us in
two versions, i.e. the Nos, xliii (C) and xUv (D) in Napier's
Wulistan. They differ considerably from each other. Many
passages in D — and partly such as from the nature of their
contents appear to have belonged to the source of the Anglo-
Saxon Homily — are either not to be found at all in C, or if so,
in a diRerent place. Entirely missing are: — D, p. 215, 1. 20,att
tmmenigum geare ; p. 216, i. 14, forpon — I. 20, mildse; p. 220,
I. I, and^l, 6, dtsge; 1. 9, and^mt — 1. 20, Ulitiitcge ; I. 25, and hit — '■
I. 29, ofcrcumap; p. 22 1, 1. 5, quod misit — 1. 23, bebod; I. 27, and
his — I. 33, scolde; p. 222, I. 3, and he — p. 223, I. 13, beam;
p. 223, 1. 32, ymb — 1. 33, October; p. 224, I. 19, in — 1. 22, wolde;
p. 225, 1- 12, ku Strang — p. 226, 1. 10, amen.
The following appear in C amongst diff'erent surroundings ; — ■
i), p. 217, I, 26, and an — p. 219, I. 12, ofer non = C, p. 210, I. lO,
and on — p. 211, 1. 11, monanm'kte; D, p. 219, 1. 12, hiom — I. 21,
wige= C, p. 213, I. 18, and pa — 1. 22, lare\ D, p. 221, 1. 23, lu
sende — I. 26, bearnuin=:(Z, P- 213, 1. 5, hy 'Sa sende — 1, 1 1, bearnum ;
D, p. 224, 1. 8, ond egkwilcan — 1. 19, halgiim = C, p. 213, 1. 22,
and mghwyhum — 1, 32, halgum.
It should be further remarked — and this is another proof of
the eclectic tendencies of the piece — that.C, p. 207, 1, 30, us ge-
byref^ — p. 209, I. 9, pearfe, is . borrowed from another homily,
No. xxiii, p. 1 16, I. I — 1 19, 1. I i.i
Lastly, the end of C, p. 214?, hn — p. 215, I. 14, amen, deviates
entirely from D, p. 225, I. 12, hn Strang — p. 226, I. 10, amen, yet
there can ba no doubt that D has preserved the original reading,
whilst C, tempted perhaps by the idea " ku strong hit bi\i an
helle to bioiine" wanted to give a practical illustration of this
argument
riius I hope to have proved the inferiority of C as regards
its distance from the original, and propose, therefore, to limit
my further inquiries exclusively to D.
ANGLO-SAXON HOMILIES. I4I
Matters ar-e more complicated here than they were with
group I, for in D we have not to do with "Christ's Epistle"
alone, as it has bsen blended with tha account of a vision of
a certain deacon Nial. The fact, however, that his name and
that of a Pope Florentius are mentioned, has somewhat smoothed
the path for our investigation.
Stubbs, Councils, iii, p. 615, publishes from MS. Cotton,
Tiberius A. xv, a letter of Egred, Bishop of Lindisfarne, to
Wulfsige, Archbishop of York (between 830 and 837), from which
I reprint the following passages :...." Ego (Egred) enim
pro me vere fateor nullo modo illis erroribus quos, in libro
Pehtredi scriptos esse demandasti, nobisque prius demonstrasti,
assensum praebere velle ; . . . . honoremque Dominici diei
ob gloriam resurrectionis Eiusdem Filii Dei, non sabbatum cum
Judaeis, omnimodis servare justum credimus et vere scimus ;
ac nostri Salvatoris ob^edire mandatis Qui xldiebus ac noctibus
pro mundi jejunavit salute, tribusqus diebus ac totidem noctibus
per scripturas in corde quievit terrae : non Pehtredi assertionibus
obtemperare, qui stulta falsitatp refert Nialum diaconum septem
hebdomadas mortuum fuisse, et iterum revixisse, nihilque
alimentorum postea percepisse, aliaque perpluna quae idem
Pehtredus, sive per se sive per Nialum vel alios falsiloquos, de
Veteri ac Novo Testamento delirando mendaciter prompsit,
omnia abjicienda, ac nullo modo ulli orthodoxo sequenda sunt.
Et si tales lltterae manu Dei auro scriptae super sepulchrum
beati Petri in diebus Florentii Papae venerunt, quare non ab
apostolica sede per populos Christianos divulgata est talis
legatio? vel quid do ilia agendum fore, si vera esset. In nostris
enim scriptis ubi nomina pontificum apostolicae sedis habemus
nomen Florentii Papae non invenimus. De die judicii vel hora,
Domino attestante, quis scit nisi Ille solus? Diabolus non a Deo
creatus diabolus, sed superbia contra Creatorem elatus, suo vitio
depravatus, et Dei gloria privatus, de angelo lucis princeps factus
est tenebrarum. Cujus malignitate dictante Pehtredus praefatus,
novos et nonnullos zizaniorum in Dominico agro sparsit errores,
cum apostolus praecepit profanas vocum novitates devitare.
De quibus omnibus tua prudentia multo melius novit quam
nostra parvitas nosse possit "
We gather that in the third decade of the ninth century,
Pehtred, a priest, living, it would appear, in the diocese of York,
writes a *book,' wherein a Deacon Nial, a letter from heaven
143 THE CHIEF SOURCES OF SOME
testified by a Pope Florentius, and certain undogmatical views on
Doomsday and the origin of the Devil play the chief part. Now
these things constitute also the contents of D; for there are the
visions of Nial, the heavenly-letter testified by a Pope Florentius,
and if it is said that fire will fall upon sinful mankind in the
months of " September and October," this may have been taken
by Egred as a reference to Doomsday. And even if this
last conclusion is too bold, and if, indeed, there is nothing said
about the creation of the Devil as such, can this mean anything
else but that our homily is only a part, it may be a small one,
of Pehtred's book— in itself a collection of such sermons, I
presume? This point agreed upon, we may safely ascribe D to
this heretical priest, and fix its date between the above narrow
limits. The alternative that his * book ' was altogether written
in Latin, and, consequently, that D is only a later translation of one
of its pieces, appears highly improbable, for the impression which
we derive from Egred's letter is that Pehtred enjoyed a great
popularity: he must, therefore, have preached in the popular
tongue, i.e. Anglo-Saxon.
Our next question will naturally lead us to an inquiry into the
sources which Pehtred had before him whilst compiling his sermon.
Pehtred knew and made use of a Latin text of " Christ's
Epistle on the Sunday," for in this language he cites the beginning
of the letter : " Amen, amen, dico vobis, quod misit brucus in nobis,
et non timuisti eos."^ Another reference to it I see in the sentence
"ealswa we reda]? an sunnandeges spelle."^ Certain parts only
of this Latin source, it appears, have been interwoven with the
story of Nial, but enough to show that we have a member of the
second Redaction of " Christ's Letter " before us. I can only briefly
refer here to the differences between the first and second Redaction,
chiefly seen in the entire lack of a preface, in a new epilogue
wherein a fictitious Pope or bishop bears testimony to the
genuineness of the letter, and lastly in an eclectic tendency in
the treatment of the text.
In speaking of Pehtred's source we might even go a step farther
and raise the question, whence came this Latin text to his know-
ledge ? It came, I venture to answer, from Ireland, where " Christ's
Law of the Sunday " (Cjiin Domnaig) was known at an early time.
* Napier, I.e., p. 221, 1. 5.
' Ibidem, p. 216, 1. 7.
ANGLO-SAXON HOMILIES. I43
This we may safely gather from a tract on the Lord's Day
written in the vernacular (Old Irish) tongue, and preserved to
us in five somewhat diverging copies, in the "Speckled Book,"
the " Yellow Book of Lecan," the Harleian MS. No. 5280, an
Edinburgh and a Brussels MS.^ Again, we clearly recognize
a Latin source behind this Irish treatise, which — and this is
even more to the point — must have commenced in the same
way as Pehtred's — that is, with the punishing '^ brncus ct loctisiasr
Although one has the impression throughout that the Irish trans-
lator has paraphrased his Latin source very freely, allowing himself
a wide scope for the imagery of a vivid Celtic mind, yet even so we
discover some startling congruences between P.'s homily and the
Irish tract. Apart from the common beginning, I reckon amongst
these the appearance of the five fearful beasts from the depth of
hell (or the sea), the events following the descent of the letter in Rome
(the earth trembles, the sepulchre of St. Peter opens), and the
mention of the Abbot (Bishop) of Rome, by whom the epistle is
found upon the altar of St. Peter. The agreement in such details
can only be explained through the medium of a common Latin
source. But surely Pehtred might have met with a copy of this
postulated Latin text in England ? Justifiable as this suggestion
seems in theory, practically its advocates will find it somewhat
difficult to account for the beginning of the Anglo-Saxon homily :
" Her 2 sagap an fiisan drihtnes (Brendgewrite^ pcet fyr cyjnep on
sitman hcerfeste. and hit gefealla}> cerest on Scotia land and syppan
on Angelcing and dep peer peer (!) celc yfeL and ponne fcerp hit sup
ofer see on pa peodland and forbeernp eegper ge mancynne man and
eac micelne beoleofan^^ This introductory passage apparently stands
in relation to another one in the text of the epistle (p. 223, 1. 31),
^^ and micel fer bip auberned yinb pa vionpas utan, pe synt hatene
September and October,'* It corresponds also with a similar passage
^ Only the results of an investigation are given here, the text itself will be found
in full in my monograph. I am indebted to Dr. K. Meyer for kindly providing me with
a translation of this Irish treatise and also for pointing out the reference in the Annals
of Ulster.
* Napier, p. 215, 11. 15-20.
' Cf. Annals of Ulster (ed. W. Hannessy), p. 433, a.d. 916 (alias 917): "A
mass of fire was observed, with thunder, passing over Ireland from the west, which
went over the sea eastwards."
t
144 THE CHIEF SOURCES OF SOME
in the Old-Irish text' and, must, therefore, likewise have formed
part of the source. Why, then, are we told that the fire will first
fall upon Ireland, if the source simply contained the statement that
fire will fall from lieaven at a certain date? The difficulty, I think,
vanishes at once, if we accept the above theory — namely, that it
was in Ireland Pehtred became acquainted with his authority.
A second and even stronger support comes from another quarter.-
Pchtred's homily, as we have seen already, is a blending of the
Sunday Epistle with the visions of a certain deacon Nial. This
Nial, now, said to be from " Scottaealonde"{=\K\xnA),\s not a mere
fiction, but appears to be identical with a person of whom under
the year 859 the Annals of Ulster' say: " Nial mac lalUtin qui
passiis €st paralisin -xxx-iiU- aniiis, qui uersatiis est uisioaibus
frequeiitibus tarn falsis qiiam iieris, in Criito quieitil." The Annals
of the FourMasters* record :" /"Afffl^f tf/ (TAWrf 854 . . , Niall,
son of Gillnn, after biing thirty years wiiltout food or drink, died"
and again: ^' The age of Christ %i^% . . . Niall, son of Giallan,
died, after a good life, after having been twenty-four (jhirty-foury
years in oppressive sickness" Lastly, the Three Fragments of Annals
of Ireland * say under the year 852 {re::te 854) : " fn this year died
MacGiallain, after having fasted fjr thirty years" and " Nia/i
MacGiallitin died in t lie year 854 after lutving been thirty years
without drink, without food." From these three records we gather
the following facts: — In or about 824 (825) Niall, the son of
Giallan, was struck by paralysis ; he remained a sufferer for about
thirty-four years, and during this period touched neither food nor
drink, but had many visions, partly true, partly false. Let us now
compare what Pehtred says about his Nial. " A deacon died not
many years ago ; his name was Nial, his home Ireland. After lying
dead for five weeks, he arose again to life through the power of
Christ, spoke to men and told them many wondrous things which
he had seen in the other world, and in what he said men could see
nothing but truth. From that time he never tasted earthly food,
or went anywhere but to church." Pehtred, we remember, writes
1 Only ihe time is allercd ; it a Ihe feast of SL John ihe Baptist. The Annals
',fUl:.lLT under the year 771 also mention "fire from heaven " on the feast of St. Michael,
and again undir the year 856.
" V„l. i, p. 370.
' Ed. Joha G'Donovan, vol, i (1856^, pp. 4S9, 493.
• Eil Joh> O'Donovan (Dublin, l85o), p. 135. The double entry here (and in
Ihf i'Viiir Mn-il!rs) shows that these Annals were compiled from different sources.
^
ANGLO-SAXON HOMILIES. I45
about 830 ; it was indeed iiu an unmenigum geai'e that Nial,
according to our authorities, had been struck with paralysis. The
story of Nial's death and return to life may have easily been
developed from the peculiar nature of this disease, and thus the
first part of Pehtred's narrative would find its explanation ; the
rest, as everybody will readily see, agrees closely enough with the
Irish records. We see, therefore, that everything is in favour of
Pehtred having, during a visit to Ireland, become acquainted
with the Latin source and the story of Nial, which he cleverly
brought into connection with the " heavenly letter." The fact of
Northumbria having been christianized by Irish monks speaks in
itself for an active monastic intercourse between the two countries.
'* Christ's letter " and the " Nial story " are, however, not the
only authorities of which Pehtred made use. The influence of the
Bible is betrayed in the lengthy passage p. 216, 1. 20 — p. 217,
1. 12, which, dealing with the Flood, follows on the whole the
description in Gen., vii, 1 1-23, whilst the story of Dathon, Abiron,
and Choreb, p. 218, I. 30 — p. 219, 1. 9, is founded on Num., xvi,
I, etc., with the difference that the number of those who suffer
an equal fate with the three men is brought up from 250 to
40,000. Again, the narrative on p. 220, 11. 9-20, is taken from
Num., xvi, 32-35.
Of the most likely source of the dignatio diet Dominici I have
already spoken above, p. 133, note 4.
The passage, p. 2 19, 1. 32 — p. 220, 1. 6, and pee t is eac cup, pcet
for p<BS dceges halgunge and weorpunge pcet pa sauivla on fop reste,
pa pa beop 07i zvitincgstowan, etc., bears relation to Beda*s
homily No. C^ in Migne, tom, xciv, 501, etc, with, however, one
important difference. Whilst in Beda and in C (= No. xliii of
the Wulfstan homilies) it is the hell-people who enjoy rest from
their torments from Saturday until Monday, in D only the dwellers
in Purgatory profit by the sanctity and power of Sunday.^
^ Cf. Propter Michaelem ac Paulttm et angelos vieos et maxime pro rt'surrectione mea
coiuedo vobis requiem ab ho ra nona sabbati usque ad horam primum feri(E secundcB . . . .
Et dixit Angelus : Qui custodierit dicin Dominicuvi habebit partem cum angelis,
Cf. A. Schoenbach, Sitzgsber. d. k. A. d. W. Wien. phil. hist. CI., Bd. 135, p. 133.
"^ The same relationship exists between two O.HG. homilies, of which one is to
be found in the "Speculmn ecclesix " (ed. Kelle, p. 176, 1. 22, etc.), the other in the
Zeitschrift fiier deiitsche Philologie (1894), p. 148 fl. The first says (p. 176,33), **j«-/«
vrazveut och die armcu sele da ze helle " ; the second, " an dem suntao habeiit alle dv sele
gnad^ dy zu der helle nicht geacht siud^ das sy ewicklichiu vortorin sein sunder dy da
gelautert sullen werden mit demfewr,^^
10
146 THE CHIEF SOURCES OF SOME
Of some interest is a passage found on p. 219, II. 21-25 '■ '^"'^
JxEt is cup eac, ]>ixt Jordane is seo ea, forfiatt Crist wms in hire
gefuhvad in simnandage, hio getacnap pees dceges halgunge and
weorpunge, forPon nis nan stepe,p<st hio wile oferyrnan from nontide
pas seternesdeges tsr pCBs monaitdeges lihtincge. It is the same
notion which occurs in so many charms on ' blood-stanching,'
although there the wonder is restricted to the time of Christ's
baptism.'
III.
"Christ's Letter" has been introduced into another homily
— Wulfstan, No. Ivii, Sermo ad populum dominicis diebus —
the author of which, according to the opening "Leo/an men, us
bisceopam and eallum mmssepreostiiin is swi'Se deope beboden" etc.,
was a bishop.* The treatment accorded to the Epistle reminds
one of Pehtrcd's, inasmuch as the Latin source — for such a one
we shall again have to postulate — has not been fully translated.
Only some passages have been taken over and set in an
entirely different framework, which consists of a general admonition
to hallow the Sunday, and a thundering philippic against the evil
customs (especially drunkenness) of the time. With regard to
" Christ's Letter," it can safely be said that this likewise represents
the second Redaction,' shortly characterized above, and stands
nearest to two vernacular texts, the one in Old Welsh " Ebostol
Y Sul," printed in Y Cymmrodor, vol. viii, p. 162, froni
the Cotton MS. Titus D. xxii, and ^ain in the " Anecdota
Oxoniensia," Oxford, 1S94, from the Jesus College MS. No. 119;
the other in Old French "Epitre fire Sire itiu crist du iour dimenche,"
contained in the Sloane MS. 3126, foi, 86, of the British Museum,
and written down in " Paris, le li jour de febrier Ian de grace MCCC
se.xcante et iii."
' Cf, Muellenhoff.Scherer, Denltmasler ', 2, p, 174, etc.
' On account of the style Piofessoi Napier atlribiitea this homily ti
otlicr than Wulfstan.
' Cf. p. 29Z, 11. 14-19; compare also p. 296, li. 5-14 with p. 214, II.
ANGLO-SAXON HOMILIES. I47
Here, as well as in the Anglo-Saxon Homily, a bishop, Peter
of Antioch,* testifies to the genuineness of the letter, but only the
A.S. sermon knows of an angel who himself addressed the bishop
and offered him the heavenly epistle. As no angel appears in
any other member of this widespread Redaction, this figure is
most probably an invention of the Anglo-Saxon preacher.
In the angel's speech we find, p. 293, 1. i, a reference to
Prov., ix, 10, and the usual " Dignatio diei Dominici " is put into
his mouth.
* In a third group of this Redaction, the text of which practically agrees in the
above, the testifying bishop is a Peter of Gaza, in a fourth a Peter of Nimes.
A WELSH ROMANI FOLK-TALE.
By John Sampson.
T
HE following Romani folk-tale, one of several taken
down by me in recent years from the mouths of
Welsh Gypsies, is here given as an illustration of the
little known dialect of the Gypsies of Wales. The
grammatical purity of this dialect is worthy of admiration. The
descendants of an eponymous ancestor, Abram Wood, who entered
Wales about two hundred years ago, the Welsh Gypsies have
preserved for us, with religious fidelity, the original accent, in-
flections, and order of words, which have long disappeared from
the speech of their English and Scottish kinsmen. The only
specimens of Welsh Romani hitherto printed have been those
which Mr. Frances Hindes Groome has reproduced verbatim et
literatim from the MS of a Gypsy harper.^ While this lends them
a certain unique interest, their haphazard orthography— a curious
mixture of Welsh and English —obscures the true formation of
the words, and deprives them of phonetic precision.
In my own text the vowels ^, ^, /, ^, u are pronounced as in
German, the long sounds being marked in all cases which admit
of doubt; c is pronounced as ch in church \ « as sh in shop ] j as/
f or dg in judge \ y ks \x\ yes ; ;^ as ch in loch ; kh, th, ph represent
jj the aspirated tenues, pronounced somewhat more strongly than
f the same letters in the English words in^/iorn, an/Aill, u///ill.
I The accent is marked in all cases except where it falls upon the
first .syllable.
The tale itself is a version of The Master Thief (Grimm,
No. 192), the Gypsy variants of which have been compared and
analyzed by Mr. Groome in his erudite and delightful work on
Gypsy folk-tales.2
^ Viz., in the Encyclopaedia Britannica^ 9th ed., article * Gipsies'; In Gypsy
TentSy passim, Edin. 1880 ; and the Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society, vol. iii,
pp. no, 182, Edin. 1892.
2 Gypsy Folk Talts, Hurst & Blackett : Lond. 1899.
A WELSH ROMANI FOLK-TALK. I49
Sas rasai, tha sas lur te jivelas pa^e lesko kher. Sas
Erat presbyter et erat fur qui habitabat iuxta eius domum. Erat
i rasaiesti butiakero. Pukhadas o rasai i lureski : ** Miro
Ty presbytero servus. Narravit 6 presbyter ry furi: **Meus
«
butiakero jala k*o mas^ngero bakar^sa ar*i sdrla : te cor'sa
servus ibit ad rhv lanium cum ove mane : si surripueris
tu i bakares, dava tut 'kyatakya^ lovo."
tu rV ovem, dabo tibi aliquantam pecuniam."
Gyas o lur tha kindds neve cIo;^a ; 'cas opr^ i divesesatha
Abiit 6 fur et emit novos calceos ; surrexit rp cum luce et
Vri gyas. J alas pal i stlga,^ mukdcis clo;^ odoi, tha
exiit. Ibat trans r^iv portam, reliquit calceum istic, et
jalas ke vaver stlga. Mukdas i vaver clo;^ opr6 doia sliga
ibat ad alteram portam. Reliquit rhv alterum calceum super istam portam
papale. Gyas o lur tha garadas pes pas6 durtani stiga.
pariter. Abiit 6 fur et abscond it se iuxta ulteriorem portam.
Ake murs 'vela bakar^sa. 'Vias k'i stlga ta dikhds i
Ecce vir venit cum ove. Venit ad ryv portam et vidit rhv
clo;^. 'Yas^ la tha dikhds top lati. "Kuski cJo;^" x^^^ Y^^
calceum. Sumpsit eum et inspexit eum. ** Bonus calceus " inquit ille,
" dade ! te 'vel man 1 vavir ! " Mukdas la top i stlga tha
hercle ! utinam contingat milii 6 alter. Reliquit eum in rp porta et
gyas peski.
abiit (sibi).
'Vids ki durtani stlga. Dikhds 1 vaver clo;^ odoi. " Ak'i
Venit ad ulteriorem portam. Vidit t^j' alterum calceum istic. " Ecce 6
* = akia ta akia. Cf. Pott, i. 260, akkia te akkia, ** so und so.**
'^ Loan word from Germ. Stiege, Anglice * stile.'
^ = lias.
i
150 A WELSH ROMAN I FOLK-TALE.
vaver cTo;^! ja me pale te la i vaver." Ucerdds o bakaro
alter calceus ! ibo ego retro ut capiain rhv alterum." Proiecit tV ovem
tal^ ta gyas pale 1 vaverydki.
humi et abiit retro — ad alterum [capiendum].
O lur vartines les. 'Cas opr^ ta 'yas o bakaro, ta gyas
6 fur observavit eum. Surrexit * et surripuit t^^i' ovem, et abiit
peski lesa khere. 'Vids o butidkero pale k*i durtani stiga. O
(sibi) cum ea domum. Venit 6 servus retro ad r^y ulteriorem portam. ^
bakaro si c6rd6. Kher^ gyas k'o rasai. " 'Yas i
ovis est surrepta. Domum abiit ad rhu presbyterum. ** Prehendit r^v
V
bakar^s o lur, rasaia ! " " Si man te da les but I5v6."
ovem 6 fur, o presbyter ! '* **Est mihi [necesse] ut dem ei multam pecuniam."
'Vids o lur tal^ k'o kher te lei pesko lovo. Peserdds les
Venit 6 fur usque ad rV domum ut recipiat suam pecuniam. Solvit ei
o rasai. " Kurddn man 'kona " x^c'o rasaf, " wantsdva ^ me tut
6 presbyter. ** Vicisti me nunc" inquit 5 presbyter, **postulo ego te
te c6r*s mi romniaki vangustri t'i kapa ka si tdlal Tati kaliko
ut surripias meae uxoris anulum et rh torale quod est sub ea crastina
rati. Tini sis kesa les tu, cindalo -v61a to sero." Sanids o lur
nocte. Nisi pote facis id tu, decollatum erit tuum caput.'* Risit 6 fur
ta gyas peski.
et abiit (sibi).
Sundas o lur te jalas o rasaf te phurdel les yogengriasa.
Audivit 6 fur quod [sejparat 6 presbyter ut conficiat eum scloppeto.
Sas i lur^s phure iza. 'Yas phuri bui^ngeri ta co;^a ta
^Erant ry furi antiqua vestimenta. Sumpsit antiquas braccas et tunicam et
1 Eng, loan word.
A WELSH ROMANI FOLK- TALE. ISI
chidds len parrde phus, ta Vlds tal6 k*o ras^sko kher. Kedds
fecit eas plenas straminis, et venit usque ad rod presbyter i domum. Fecit
sero puri stadiasa ta cidds len pre stlga *lan i p^estydr.
caput antiquo pileo et apposuit ea ^ in porta ante r^y fenestram.
V
Rati. Garadds pes o lur. Cas opr6 o puro rasai, ta dikds
Noctu. Abscondit se 6 fur. » Surrexit 6 senex presbyter, et conspexit
les aral i ^estyar. " Dikhdva les," x^c*o rasai. Prectas yog^ngeri
eum per r^y fenestram. ** Video eum," inquit 6 presbyter. Sustulit scloppetum
ta phurdids les ta perradds les. Ridids pes o rasai ta jongadds
et confecit eum et prostravit eum. Vestivit se 6 presbyter et expergefecit
o butidkero, ta Vri gl\6 ta rigerd^ les, ta ucerd^ les ar6 puri
rhy servum, et abierunt et portaverunt eum, et iecerunt eum in antiquum
kankdti, ta ucerd^ but cik ta bara top lesti. Pandil6 kanka. —
puteum, et iecerunt multum lutum et lapides super eum. Clauserunt puteum. —
Mukdva len odoi 'kona.
Relinquo eos istic nunc.
Kana sas o rasai ta butidkero Vridl ar6 bor, niserdds o lur
Dum erant 6 presbyter et servus foris in horto, irrepsit 6 fur
ar'o kher, *pre o podos tha 're raniaki komora. Puctds o lur
in domum, per rhi scalas et in dominae cubiculum. Interrogavit [eam] 6 fur
ani sovelas. Thinkasas^ i rani te lako rom sas. " Sig Vldn
num dormiret. Putavit rj domina quod ipsius maritus erat. ** Cito venisti
A
pale," x^ce yoi. " Awa," x^c*o lur, t'anjerdds pes, t'dr* o vodros
retro" inquit ilia. ** Certo " inquit i fur, et vestibus exuit se, et in r5i^ tectum
gyas ki yoI. Wantselas te puiyerel la. " Dade ! 'yan les manke
ivit ad eam. Cupiebat ut amplecteretur eam. ** Hercle ! fecisti id antequam
gyan avri," ;^oc'i rani. PQiyedas la o lur. " De man i vangustri
abiisti," inquit domina. Amplexus est eam 6 fur. ** Da mihi rhy anulum
^ scl. vestimcnta et pileum. ' Eng. loan word.
p •'
152 A WELSH ROMANI FOLK-TALE.
te garavd la manke Vela o beng akai." "*Yan i vangustri ;
ut abscondam eum antequam veniat 6 diabolus hue." '* Sumpsisti rbi^ anulum ;
le kapa tai." 'Yas o dui^n. "Java mete garavd len kom6ni
sume torale quoque." Cepit rh. duo. **Eo ego ut abscondam ea alicubi
avri." Gyas pesk'o lur khere 1 kol^nsa.
foris." Abiit (sibi) 6 fur domum toij cum n'ibus.
PhVo rasai Vela p&le ta gyas ar*o vodros. Raker^las peski
Senex presbyter venit retro et ivit in rhv lectum. Confabulatur sua
romniasa. " Ked6m les akona," pendAs yov peski romnidki
cum uxore. **Confeci eum nunc," dixit ille suae uxori.
^ A
"GaradAn les?" puctds i rani. "Awa" x^c*o rai, "garad6m
**An abscohdisti eum?" interrogavit ^domina. **Aio," inquit 6 dominus, "abscondi
les Ve kankati. Tuti si vangustri, mina ? " x^c*o phuro rat
•eum in puteo. Tibi est anulus, nonne [est] ? " inquit 6 senex dominus
peski romniilki. " Na ! nai *yan la ? pala-so puiyeddn man.
suae uxori. **Non (est) ! nonne cepistieum? postquam amplexus es me
duvari, di6m tuti kapa ta vangustrf."
bis, dedi tibi torale et anulum.'*
Haidas o phuro rasaf te 'doi sas o lur. ** Kurd6 som
Intellexit 6 senex presbyter quod istic fuerat 6 fur. **Victus sum
papain!"
iterura ! "
Oke sa.
Ecce omnia.
i
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